Flavius Josephus
(Joseph
ben Matthias)
Jerusalem, 37 A. D. – Rome, ± 100 A. D.
VITA
From my Life
English translation,
from the Greek, by
William Whiston (1667 – 1752)
1. THE family from which I am
derived is
not an ignoble one, but hath descended all along from the priests; and
as
nobility among several people is of a different origin, so with us to
be of the
sacerdotal dignity, is an indication of the splendour of a family. Now,
I am
not only sprung from a sacerdotal family in general, but from the first
of the
twenty-four [1] courses; and as among us
there is
not only a considerable difference between one family of each course
and
another, I am of the chief family of that first course also; nay,
further, by
my mother I am of the royal blood; for the children of Asamoneus, from
whom
that family was derived, had both the office of the high priesthood,
and the
dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will accordingly set
down my
progenitors in order. My grandfather's father was named Simon, with the
addition of Psellus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon
the high
priest, who first of all the high priests was named Hyrcanus. This
Simon
Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Ephlias: he
married the
daughter of Jonathan the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of
the sons
of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and was the brother of Simon the
high priest
also. This Matthias had a son called Matthias Curtus, and that in the
first
year of the government of Hyrcanus: his son's name was Joseph, born in
the
ninth year of the reign of Alexandra: his son Matthias was born in the
tenth
year of the reign of Archelaus; as was I born to Matthias in the first
year of
the reign of Caius Caesar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was
born in
the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, as was Justus born in the
seventh,
and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my
family as I
have found it described [2] in
the public
records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me [as of a lower
original].
2. Now, my father Matthias was
not only
eminent on account of is nobility, but had a higher commendation on
account of
his righteousness, and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, the greatest city we
have. I was myself brought up with my
brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own brother, by both
father and
mother; and I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my
learning, and
appeared to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover, when
I was a
child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the
love I
had to learning; on which account the high priests and principal men of
the
city came then frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion
about the
accurate understanding of points of the law. And when I was about
sixteen years
old, I had a mind to make trim of the several sects that were among us.
These
sects are three: - The first is that of the Pharisees, the second that
Sadducees, and the third that of the Essens, as we have frequently told
you;
for I thought that by this means I might choose the best, if I were
once acquainted
with them all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and underwent
great
difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did I content myself with
these
trials only; but when I was informed that one, whose name was Banus,
lived in
the desert, and used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no
other
food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed himself in cold water
frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his
chastity, I
imitated him in those things, and continued with him three years. [3]
So when I had accomplished my desires,
I
returned back to the city, being now nineteen years old, and began to
conduct
myself according to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is of
kin to
the sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them.
3. But when I was in the
twenty-sixth year
of my age, it happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the occasion
which I shall now describe. At the time
when Felix was procurator of Judea there were certain priests of my
acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on a small and
trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead
their cause
before Caesar. These I was desirous to procure deliverance for, and
that
especially because I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety
towards
God, even under their afflictions, but supported themselves with figs
and nuts. [4] Accordingly I came to
Rome, though it
were
through a great number of hazards by sea; for as our ship was drowned
in the
Adriatic Sea, we that were in it, being about six hundred in number,
[5] swam for our lives all the night; when,
upon the
first appearance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I
and some
others, eighty in all, by God's providence, prevented the rest, and
were taken
up into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped, and was come to
Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became acquainted with
Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by
birth; and
through his interest became known to Poppea, Caesar's wife, and took
care, as
soon as possible, to entreat her to procure that the priests might be
set at
liberty. And when, besides this favour, I had obtained many presents
from
Poppea, I returned home again.
4. And now I perceived
innovations were
already begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated in
hopes of
a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put a stop to
these
tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid
before
their eyes against whom it was that they were going to fight, and told
them
that they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but
also in
good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish
manner,
to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their
country, upon
their families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehement
exhortation,
because I foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate
to us.
But I could not persuade them; for the madness of desperate men was
quite too
hard for me.
5. I was then afraid, lest, by
inculcating
these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their
suspicions, as if
I were of our enemies' party, and should run into the danger of being
seized by
them, and slain; since they were already possessed of Antonia, which
was the
citadel; so I retired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go
out of
the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of
robbers were
put to death, when I abode among the high priests and the chief of the
Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in
arms,
while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not able to
restrain
the seditious. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we
pretended that
we were of the same opinion with them, but only advised them to be
quiet for
the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping that Gessius
[Florus]
would not be long ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put
an end to
these seditious proceedings.
6. But, upon his coming and
fighting, he
was beaten, and a great many of those that were with him fell. And this
disgrace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the calamity of
our
whole nation; for those that were fond of the war were so far elevated
with
this success, that they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of
which
war another occasion was ministered; which was this: - Those that dwelt
in the
neighbouring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them,
with their
wives and children, and slew them, when they had not the least occasion
of
complaint against them; for they did neither attempt any innovation or
revolt
from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous
designs
towards the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabitants of
Scythopolis was
the most impious and most highly criminal of all; [6]
for when the Jews their enemies came upon them from without, they
forced the
Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countrymen,
which it
is unlawful for us to do; [7] and when,
by their
assistance, they had joined battle with those who attacked them, and
had beaten
them, after that victory they forgot the assurances they had given
these their
fellow citizens and confederates, and slew them all, being in number
many ten
thousands [13,000]. The like miseries were undergone by those Jews that
were
the inhabitants of Damascus.
But we have given a more accurate account of these things in the books
of the
Jewish war. I only mention them now, because I would demonstrate to my
readers,
that the Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the
main,
they were forced by necessity to enter into it.
7. So when Gessius had been
beaten, as we
have said already, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the
robbers and
innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they
were
unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which
also came
to be the case afterward; and, being informed that all Galilee had not
yet
revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet;
they sent
me and two others of the priests, who were men of excellent characters,
Joazar
and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their
arms, and
to teach them this lesson, - That it were better to have those arms
reserved
for the most courageous men that the nation had [than to be kept
there]; for
that it had been resolved, That those our best men should always have
their
arms ready against futurity; but still so, that they should wait to see
what
the Romans would do.
8. When I had therefore
received these
instructions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in
no
small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had
resolved to
plunder it, on account of the friendship they had with the Romans, and
because
they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus,
the
president of Syria. But I delivered them all out of the fear they were
in, and
persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to
send to
those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a
city of
Phoenicia, as often as they pleased; though I still found the
inhabitants of
Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following: -
9. There were three factions in
this city.
The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; of these Julius
Capellus
was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod the son of
Miarus,
and Herod the son of Gamalus, and Compsus the son of Compsus; (for as
to
Compsus's brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under
the
great king [Agrippa] [8] he was beyond
Jordan in
his own possessions;) all these persons before named gave their advice,
that
the city should then continue in their allegiance to the Romans and to
the
king. But Pistus, who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce
in that
resolution; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuous
character. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble
persons, and
was determined for war. But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was
the head
of the third faction, although he pretended to be doubtful about going
to war,
yet was he really desirous of innovation, as supposing that he should
gain
power to himself by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the
midst of
them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude that "the city Tiberius
had
ever been a city of Galilee, and that in the days of Herod the
tetrarch, who
had built it, it had obtained the principal place, and that he had
ordered that
the city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias; that
they had
not lost this pre-eminence even under Agrippa the father, but had
retained it
until Felix was procurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they
had been
so unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa, junior; and
that,
upon Sepphoris's submission of itself to the Romans, that was become
the
capital city of Galilee, and
that the royal library and the archives were now removed from them."
When
he had spoken these things, and a great many more, against king
Agrippa, in
order to provoke the people to a revolt, he added that "this was the
time
for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans as their
confederates (whom
they might command, and who would now willingly assist them, out of the
hatred
they bare to the people of Sepphoris; because they preserved their
fidelity to
the Romans), and to gather a great number of forces, in order to punish
them." And as he said this, he exhorted the multitude, [to go to war;]
for
his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too
hard in
his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more
to
their advantage, and this by his craftiness and his fallacies, for he
was not
unskilful in the learning of the Greeks; and in dependence on that
skill it
was, that he undertook to write a history of these affairs, as aiming,
by this
way of haranguing, to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how
ill were
his character and conduct of life, and how he and his brother were, in
great
measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an
account in
the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions,
prevailed
with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and had forced a great
many so
to do against their wills, he went out, and set the villages that
belonged to Gadara
and Hippos on fire; which villages
were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of
Scythopolis.
10. And this was the state
Tiberias was now
in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: - When John, the son of
Levi,
saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the
Romans, he
laboured to restrain them, and entreated them that they would keep
their
allegiance to them. But he could not gain his purpose, although he did
his
endeavours to the utmost; for the neighbouring people of Gadara, Gabara, and Sogana,
with the
Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took
Gischala
by force, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely demolished it,
they
returned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his
men, and
joined battle with the people forementioned; and rebuilt Gischala after
a manner
better than before, and fortified it with walls for its future
security.
11. But Gamala persevered in
its allegiance
to the Romans, for the reason following: - Philip, the son of Jacimus,
who was
their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when
the
royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled away, had
fallen
into another danger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the
robbers
that were with him; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred,
and were
then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So
Philip
staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised
himself
with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered; and when he was
come to
one of the villages to him belonging, but one that was situated at the
borders
of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that were under him,
and
commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindered that his
intention, and
this for his own advantage also; for had it not so happened, he had
certainly
perished. For a fever having seized upon him immediately, he wrote to
Agrippa
and Bernice, and gave them to one of his freed-men to carry them to
Varus, who
at this time was procurator of the kingdom, which the king and his
sister had
entrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytus with an intention
of
meeting Gessius. When Varus had received these letters of Philip, and
had
learned that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing
that he
should appear useless to the king and his sister, now Philip was come.
He
therefore produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and
accused
him of forging the same; and said that he spoke falsely when he related
that
Philip was at Jerusalem,
fighting among the Jews against the Romans. So he slew him. And when
this
freed-man of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what
should be
the occasion of his stay, and sent a second messenger with letters,
that he
might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had
been
sent before, and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger
also,
when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew him. For he was puffed
up by the
Syrians that were at Caesarea, and had great expectations; for they
said that
Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had
committed, and that he should himself take the government, as derived
from
their kings; for Varus was, by the confession of all, of the royal
family, as
being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about
Libanus; for
which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the letters to
himself. He
contrived, also, that the king should not meet with those writings, by
guarding
all the passes, lest any one should escape, and inform the king what
had been
done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in order to gratify the
Syrians of
Cesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea,
and to
take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the name
they went
by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea, of the
best
character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their
countrymen who
dwelt there, That Varus hath heard that "you intend to march against
the
king; but, not believing that report, he hath sent us to persuade you
to lay
down your arms, and that this compliance will be a sign that he did
well not to
give credit to those that raised the report concerning you." He also
enjoined them to send seventy of their principal men to make a defense
for them
as to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelve messengers
came to
their countrymen at Ecbatana,
and found that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded
them to
send the seventy men also; who, not at all suspecting what would come,
sent
them accordingly. So these seventy went down to Caesarea, together with
the
twelve ambassadors; where Varus met them with the king's forces, and
slew them
all, together with the [twelve] [9]
ambassadors,
and made an expedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. But one there was
of the
seventy who escaped, and made haste to inform the Jews of their coming;
upon
which they took their arms, with their wives and children, and retired
to the citadel
at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of all sorts of good things,
and
having many ten thousands of cattle therein. When Philip was informed
of these
things, he also came to the citadel of Gamala; and when he was come,
the
multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume the government, and to
make an
expedition against Varus, and the Syrians of Cesarea; for it was
reported that
they had slain the king. But Philip restrained their zeal, and put them
in mind
of the benefits the king had bestowed upon them; and told them how
powerful the
Romans were, and said it was not for their advantage to make war with
them; and
at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the king was acquainted
with
Varus's design, which was to cut off the Jews of Caesarea, being many
ten
thousands, with their wives and children, and all in one day, he called
to him
Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus's successor, as we have
elsewhere
related. But still Philip kept possession of the citadel of Gamala, and
of the
country adjoining to it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to
the
Romans.
12. Now, as soon as I was come
into
Galilee, and had learned this state of things by the information of
such as
told me of them, I wrote to the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them, and required their direction what I should
do. Their
direction was, that I should continue there, and that, if my fellow
legates
were willing, I should join with them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow
legates, having gotten great riches from those
tithes which as priests were their dues, and were given to them,
determined to
return to their own country. Yet when I desired them to stay so long,
that we
might first settle the public affairs, they complied with me. So I
removed,
together with them, from the city of Sepphoris, and came to a certain
village
called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberius; and thence I sent
messengers to the senate of Tiberius, and desired that the principal
men of the
city would come to me: and when they were come, Justus himself being
also with
them, I told them that I was sent to them by the people of Jerusalem as
a
legate, together with these other priests, in order to persuade them to
demolish that house which Herod the tetrarch had built there, and which
had the
figures of living creatures in it, although our laws have forbidden us
to make
any such figures; and I desired that they would give us leave so to do
immediately. But for a good while Capellus and the principal men
belonging to
the city would not give us leave, but were at length entirely overcome
by us,
and were induced to be of our opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapphias,
one of
those whom we have already mentioned as the leader of a seditious
tumult of
mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took with him certain
Galileans,
and set the entire palace on fire, and thought he should get a great
deal of
money thereby, because he saw some of the roofs gilt with gold. They
also
plundered a great deal of the furniture, which was done without our
approbation;
for after we had discoursed with Capellus and the principal men of the
city, we
departed from Bethmaus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But Jesus and
his
party slew all the Greeks that were inhabitants of Tiberias, and as
many others
as were their enemies before the war began.
13. When I understood this
state of things,
I was greatly provoked, and went down to Tiberias, and took all the
care I
could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could be recovered
from such
as had plundered it. They consisted of candlesticks made of Corinthian
brass,
and of royal tables, and of a great quantity of uncoined silver; and I
resolved
to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the king. So I sent for ten
of the
principal men of the senate, and for Capellus the son of Antyllus, and
committed the furniture to them, with this charge, That they should
part with
it to nobody else but to myself. From thence I and my fellow legates
went to
Gischala, to John, as desirous to know his intentions, and soon saw
that he was
for innovations, and had a mind to the principality; for he desired me
to give
him authority to carry off that corn which belonged to Caesar, and lay
in the
villages of Upper Galilee; and he pretended that he would expend what
it came
to in building the walls of his own city. But when I perceived what he
endeavoured at, and what he had in his mind, I said I would not permit
him so
to do; for that I thought either to keep it for the Romans or for
myself, now I
was intrusted with the public affairs there by the people of Jerusalem. But, when he was not
able to
prevail with me, he betook himself to my fellow legates; for they had
no
sagacity in providing for futurity, and were very ready to take bribes.
So he
corrupted them with money to decree, That all that corn which was
within his
province should be delivered to him; while I, who was but one, was
outvoted by
two, and held my tongue. Then did John introduce another cunning
contrivance of
his; for he said that those Jews who inhabited Cesarea Philippi, and
were shut
up by the order of the king's deputy there, had sent to him to desire
him,
that, since they had no oil that was pure for their use, he would
provide a
sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest they should be forced to
make
use of oil that came from the Greeks, and thereby transgress their own
laws.
Now this was said by John, not out of his regard to religion, but out
of his
most flagrant desire of gain; for he knew that two sextaries were sold
with
them of Caesarea
for one
drachma, but that at Gischala fourscore sextaxies were sold for four
sextaries.
So he gave order that all the oil which was there should be carried
away, as
having my permission for so doing; which yet I did not grant him
voluntarily,
but only out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbidden him, I
should
have been stoned by them. When I had therefore permitted this to be
done by
John, he gained vast sums of money by this his knavery.
14. But when I had dismissed my
fellow
legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I took care to have arms provided, and the cities
fortified. And
when I had sent for the most hardy among the robbers, I saw that it was
not in
my power to take their arms from them; but I persuaded the multitude to
allow
them money as pay, and told them it was better for them to give them a
little
willingly, rather than to [be forced to] overlook them when they
plundered
their goods from them. And when I had obliged them to take an oath not
to come
into that country, unless they were invited to come, or else when they
had not
their pay given them, I dismissed them, and charged them neither to
make an
expedition against the Romans, nor against those their neighbours that
lay
round about them; for my first care was to keep Galilee in peace. So I
was
willing to have the principal of the Galileans, in all seventy, as
hostages for
their fidelity, but still under the notion of friendship. Accordingly,
I made
them my friends and companions as I journeyed, and set them to judge
causes;
and with their approbation it was that I gave my sentences, while I
endeavoured
not to mistake what justice required, and to keep my hands clear of all
bribery
in those determinations.
15. I was now about the
thirtieth year of
my age; in which time of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape
the
calumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself from fulfilling
any
unlawful desires, especially where a person is in great authority. Yet
did I
preserve every woman free from injuries; and as to what presents were
offered
me, I despised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor indeed would
I take
those tithes, which were due to me as a priest, from those that brought
them.
Yet do I confess, that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians which
inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when I had conquered them,
and that I
sent them to my kindred at Jerusalem; although, when I twice took
Sepphoris by
force, and Tiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when I had subdued
and
taken John, who often laid treacherous snares for me, I did not punish
[with
death] either him or any of the people forenamed, as the progress of
this
discourse will show. And on this account, I suppose, it was that God,
[10] who is never unacquainted with those
that do
as they ought to do, delivered me still out of the hands of these my
enemies,
and afterwards preserved me when I fell into those many dangers which I
shall
relate hereafter.
16. Now the multitude of the
Galileans had
that great kindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when their cities
were
taken by force, and their wives and children carried into slavery, they
did not
so deeply lament for their own calamities, as they were solicitous for
my
preservation. But when John saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me,
desiring
that I would give him leave to come down, and make use of the hot-baths
of
Tiberias for the recovery of the health of his body. Accordingly, I did
not
hinder him, as having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and I
wrote to
those to whom I had committed the administration of the affairs of
Tiberius by
name, that they should provide a lodging for John, and for such as
should come
with him, and should procure him what necessaries soever he should
stand in
need of. Now at this time my abode was in a village of Galilee, which
is named Cans.
17. But when John was come to
the city of
Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, and
to
adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that invitation of his,
as ever
fond of innovations, and by nature disposed to changes, and delighting
in
seditions; but they were chiefly Justus and his father Pistus, that
were
earnest for their revolt from me, and their adherence to John. But I
came upon
them, and prevented them; for a messenger had come to me from Silas,
whom I had
made governor of Tiberias, as I have said already, and had told me of
the
inclinations of the people of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste
thither;
for that, if I made any delay, the city would come under another's
jurisdiction. Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took two
hundred men
along with me, and travelled all night, having sent before a messenger
to let
the people of Tiberias know that I was coming to them. When I came near
to the
city, which was early in the morning, the multitude came out to meet
me; and
John came with them, and saluted me, but in a most disturbed manner, as
being
afraid that my coming was to call him to an account for what I was now
sensible
he was doing. So he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But when I
was in the
open place of the city, having dismissed the guards I had about me,
excepting
one, and ten armed men that were with him, I attempted to make a speech
to the
multitude of the people of Tiberias: and, standing on a certain
elevated place,
I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt; for that such a
change in
their behaviour would be to their reproach, and that they would then
justly be
suspected by those that should be their governors hereafter, as if they
were
not likely to be faithful to them neither.
18. But before I had spoken all
I designed,
I heard one of my own domestics bidding me come down, for that it was
not a
proper time to take care of retaining the good-will of the people of
Tiberias,
but to provide for my own safety, and escape my enemies there; for John
had
chosen the most trusty of those armed men that were about him out of
those
thousand that he had with him, and had given them orders when he sent
them, to
kill me, having learned that I was alone, excepting some of my
domestics. So those
that were sent came as they were ordered, and they had executed what
they came
about, had I not leaped down from the elevation I stood on, and with
one of my
guards, whose name was James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon the
back of
one Herod of Tiberias, and guided by him down to the lake, where I
seized a
ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies unexpectedly, and came to
Tarichese.
19. Now, as soon as the
inhabitants of that
city understood the perfidiousness of the people of Tiberias, they were
greatly
provoked at them. So they snatched up their arms, and desired me to be
their
leader against them; for they said they would avenge their commander's
cause
upon them. They also carried the report of what had been done to me to
all the
Galileans, and eagerly endeavoured to irritate them against the people
of
Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of them would get together, and
come to
them, that they might act in concert with their commander, what should
be
determined as fit to be done. Accordingly, the Galileans came to me in
great
numbers, from all parts, with their weapons, and besought me to assault
Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even
with the
ground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their wives
and
children. Those that were Josephus's friends also, and had escaped out
of
Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I did not comply with them,
thinking it
a terrible thing to begin a civil war among them; for I thought that
this
contention ought not to proceed further than words; nay, I told them
that it
was not for their own advantage to do what they would have me to do,
while the
Romans expected no other than that we should destroy one another by our
mutual
seditions. And by saying this, I put a stop to the anger of the
Galileans.
20. But now John was afraid for
himself,
since his treachery had proved unsuccessful. So he took the armed men
that were
about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, and wrote to me to
apologize
for himself concerning What had been done, as if it had been done
without his
approbation, and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his
disadvantage. He
also added oaths and certain horrible curses upon himself, and supposed
he
should be thereby believed in the points he wrote about to me.
21. But now another great
number of the
Galileans came together again with their weapons, as knowing the man,
how
wicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired me to lead them
against him
and promised me that they would utterly both him and Gischala. Hereupon
I
professed that I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me,
and that
I would more than requite their good-will to me. However, I entreated
them to
restrain themselves, and begged of them to give me leave to do what I
intended,
which was to put an end to these troubles without bloodshed; and when I
had
prevailed with the multitude of the Galileans to let me do so, I came
to
Sepphoris.
22. But the inhabitants of this
city having
determined to continue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid
of my
coming to them, and tried, by putting me upon another action, to divert
me,
that they might be freed from the terror they were in. Accordingly,
they sent
to Jesus, the captain of those robbers who were in the confines of
Ptolemais,
and promised to give him a great deal of money, if he would come with
those
forces he had with him, which were in number eight hundred, and fight
with us.
Accordingly, he complied with what they desired, upon the promises they
had
made him, and was desirous to fall upon us when we were unprepared for
him, and
knew nothing of his coming beforehand. So he sent to me, and desired
that I
would give him leave to come and salute me. When I had given him that
leave,
which I did without the least knowledge of his treacherous intentions
beforehand, he took his band of robbers, and made haste to come to me.
Yet did
not this his knavery succeed well at last; for as he was already nearly
approaching, one of those with him deserted him, and came to me, and
told me
what he had undertaken to do. When I was informed of this, I went into
the
market-place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous purpose.
I took
with me many Galileans that were armed, as also some of those of
Tiberias; and,
when I had given orders that all the roads should be carefully guarded,
I
charged the keepers of the gates to give admittance to none but Jesus,
when he
came, with the principal of his men, and to exclude the rest; and in
case they
aimed to force themselves in, to use stripes [in order to repel them].
Accordingly, those that had received such a charge did as they were
bidden, and
Jesus came in with a few others; and when I had ordered him to throw
down his
arms immediately, and told him, that if he refused so to do, he was a
dead man,
he seeing armed men standing all round about him, was terrified, and
complied;
and as for those of his followers that were excluded, when they were
informed
that he was seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by
himself, and
told him, that" I was not a stranger to that treacherous design he had
against me, nor was I ignorant by whom he was sent for; that, however,
I would
forgive him what he had done already, if he would repent of it, and be
faithful
to me hereafter." And thus, upon his promise to do all that I desired,
I
let him go, and gave him leave to get those whom he had formerly had
with him
together again. But I threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that, if
they
would not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish
them
sufficiently.
23. At this time it was that
two great men,
who were under the jurisdiction of the king [Agrippa] came to me out of
the
region of Trachonius, bringing their horses and their arms, and
carrying with
them their money also; and when the Jews would force them to be
circumcised, if
they would stay among them, I would not permit them to have any force
put upon
them, [11] but said to them, "Every one
ought to worship God according to his own inclinations, and not to be
constrained by force; and that these men, who had fled to us for
protection,
ought not to be so treated as to repent of their coming hither." And
when
I had pacified the multitude, I provided for the men that were come to
us
whatsoever it was they wanted, according to their usual way of living,
and that
in great plenty also.
24. Now king Agrippa sent an
army to make
themselves masters of the citadel of Gamala, and over it Equieulus
Modius; but
the forces that were sent were not allow to encompass the citadel quite
round,
but lay before it in the open places, and besieged it. But when Ebutius
the
decurion, who was intrusted with the government of the great plain,
heard that
I was at Simonias, a village situated in the confines of Galilee, and
was
distant from him sixty furlongs, he took a hundred horsemen that were
with him
by night, and a certain number of footmen, about two hundred, and
brought the
inhabitants of the city Gibea along with him as auxiliaries, and
marched in the
night, and came to the village where I abode. Upon this I pitched my
camp over
against him, which had a great number of forces in it: but Ebutius
tried to
draw us down into the plain, as greatly depending upon his horsemen;
but we
would not come down; for when I was satisfied of the advantage that his
horse would
have if we came down into the plain, while we were all footmen, I
resolved to
join battle with the enemy where I was. Now Ebutius and his party made
a
courageous opposition for some time; but when he saw that his horse
were
useless to him in that place, he retired back to the city Gibea, having
lost
three of his men in the fight. So I followed him directly with two
thousand
armed men; and when I was at the city Besara, that lay in the confines
of
Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea, where Ebutius abode, I
placed my
armed men on the outside of the village, and gave orders that they
should guard
the passes with great care, that the enemy might not disturb us until
we should
have carried off the corn, a great quantity of which lay there: it
belonged to
Bernice the queen, and had been gathered together out of the
neighbouring
villages into Besara; so I loaded my camels and asses, a great number
of which
I had brought along with me, and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had
done
this, I offered Ebutius battle; but when he would not accept of the
offer, for
he was terrified at our readiness and courage, I altered my route, and
marched
towards Neopolitanus, because I had heard that the country about
Tiberias was
laid waste by him. This Neopolitanus was captain of a troop of horse,
and had
the custody of Scythopolis intrusted to his care by the enemy; and when
I had
hindered him from doing any further mischief to Tiberias, I set myself
to make
provision for the affairs of Galilee.
25. But when John, the son of
Levi, who, as
we before told you, abode at Gischala, was informed how all things had
succeeded to my mind, and that I was much in favour with those that
were under
me, as also that the enemy were greatly afraid of me, he was not
pleased with
it, as thinking my prosperity tended to his ruin. So he took up a
bitter envy
and enmity against me; and hoping, that if he could inflame those that
were
under me to hate me,. he should put an end to the prosperity I was in,
he tried
to persuade the inhabitants of Tiberias and of Sepphoris, (and for
those of
Gabara he supposed they would be also of the same mind with the
others,) which
were the greatest cities of Galilee, to revolt from their subjection to
me, and
to be of his party; and told them that he would command them better
than I did.
As for the people of Sepphoris, who belonged to neither of us, because
they had
chosen to be in subjection to the Romans, they did not comply with his
proposal; and for those of Tiberias, they did not indeed so far comply
as to make
a revolt from under me, but they agreed to be his friends, while the
inhabitants of Gabara did go over to John; and it was Simon that
persuaded them
so to do, one who was both the principal man in the city, and a
particular
friend and companion of John. It is true, these did not openly own the
making a
revolt, because they were in great fear of the Galileans, and had
frequent
experience of the good-will they bore to me; yet did they privately
watch for a
proper opportunity to lay snares for me; and indeed I thereby came into
the
greatest danger, on the occasion following.
26. There were some bold young
men of the
village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the king's
procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty
attendance, and with some horsemen that followed as a guard to them,
and this
out of a country that was subject to the king and queen, into the
jurisdiction
of the Romans; and fell upon them on a sudden, and obliged the wife of
Ptolemy
to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. They also came to me to
Tarichese, with four mules' loading of garments, and other furniture;
and the
weight of the silver they brought was not small, and there were five
hundred
pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve these spoils for
Ptolemy, who
was my countryman; and it is prohibited [12]
by
our laws even to spoil our enemies; so I said to those that brought
these
spoils, that they ought to be kept, in order to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem with them when they
came to be
sold. But the young men took it very ill that they did not receive a
part of
those spoils for themselves, as they expected to have done; so they
went among
the villages in the neighbourhood of Tiberias, and told the people that
I was
going to betray their country to the Romans, and that I used deceitful
language
to them, when I said, that what had been thus gotten by rapine should
be kept
for the rebuilding of the walls of the city of Jerusalem; although I
had
resolved to restore these spoils again to their former owner. And
indeed they
were herein not mistaken as to my intentions; for when I had gotten
clear of
them, I sent for two of the principal men, Dassion, and Janneus the son
of
Levi, persons that were among the chief friends of the king, and
commanded them
to take the furniture that had been plundered, and to send it to him;
and I
threatened that I would order them to be put to death by way of
punishment, if
they discovered this my command to any other person.
27. Now, when all Galilee was
filled with
this rumour, that their country was about to be betrayed by me to the
Romans,
and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready to bring me to
punishment, the inhabitants of Tarichee did also themselves suppose
that what
the young men said was true, and persuaded my guards and armed men to
leave me
when I was asleep, and to come presently to the hippodrome, in order
there to
take counsel against me their commander. And when they had prevailed
with them,
and they were gotten together, they found there a great company
assembled
already, who all joined in one clamour, to bring the man who was so
wicked to
them as to betray them, to his due punishment; and it was Jesus, the
son of
Sapphias, who principally set them on. He was ruler in Tiberias, a
wicked man,
and naturally disposed to make disturbances in matters of consequence;
a
seditious person he was indeed, and an innovator beyond every body
else. He
then took the laws of Moses into his hands, and came into the midst of
the
people, and said," O my fellow citizens! if you are not disposed to
hate
Josephus on your own account, have regard, however, to these laws of
your
country, which your commander-in-chief is going to betray; hate him
therefore
on both these accounts, and bring the man who hath acted thus
insolently, to
his deserved punishment."
28. When he had said this, and
the
multitude had openly applauded him for what he had said, he took some
of the
armed men, and made haste away to the house in which I lodged, as if he
would
kill me immediately, while I was wholly insensible of all till this
disturbance
happened; and by reason of the pains I had been taking, was fallen fast
asleep.
But Simon, who was intrusted with the care of my body, and was the only
person
that stayed with me, and saw the violent incursion the citizens made
upon me,
awaked me, and told me of the danger I was in, and desired me to let
him kill
me, that I might die bravely and like a general, before my enemies came
in, and
forced me [to kill myself], or killed me themselves. Thus did he
discourse to
me; but I committed the care of my life to God, and made haste to go
out to the
multitude. Accordingly, I put on a black garment, and hung my sword at
my neck,
and went by such a different way to the hippodrome, wherein I thought
none of
my adversaries would meet me; so I appeared among them on the sudden,
and fell
down flat on the earth, and bedewed the ground with my tears: then I
seemed to
them all an object of compassion. And when I perceived the change that
was made
in the multitude, I tried to divide their opinions before the armed men
should
return from my house; so I granted them that I had been as wicked as
they
supposed me to be; but still I entreated them to let me first inform
them for
what use I had kept that money which arose from the plunder, and, that
they
might then kill me if they pleased: and upon the multitude's ordering
me to
speak, the armed men came upon me, and when they saw me, they ran to
kill me;
but when the multitude bade them hold their hands, they complied, and
expected
that as soon as I should own to them that I kept the money for the
king, it
would be looked on as a confession of my treason, and they should then
be
allowed to kill me.
29. When,
therefore, silence
was made by
the whole multitude, I spoke thus to them: "O my countrymen! I refuse
not
to die, if justice so require. However, I am desirous to tell you the
truth of
this matter before I die; for as I know that this city of yours
[Taricheae] was
a city of great hospitality, and filled with abundance of such men as
have left
their own countries, and are come hither to be partakers of your
fortune,
whatever it be, I had a mind to build walls about it, out of this
money, for
which you are so angry with me, while yet it was to be expended in
building
your own walls." Upon my saying this, the people of Taricheae and the
strangers cried out, that" they gave me thanks, and desired me to be of
good courage," although the Galileans and the people of Tiberias
continued
in their wrath against me, insomuch that there arose a tumult among
them, while
some threatened to kill me, and some bade me not to regard them; but
when I
promised them that I would build them walls at Tiberias, and at other
cities
that wanted them, they gave credit to what I promised, and returned
every one
to his own home. So I escaped the forementioned danger, beyond all my
hopes,
and returned to my own house, accompanied with my friends, and twenty
armed men
also.
30. However, these robbers and
other
authors of this tumult, who were afraid, on their own account, lest I
should
punish them for what they had done, took six hundred armed men, and
came to the
house where I abode, in order to set it on fire. When this their insult
was
told me, I thought it indecent for me to run away, and I resolved to
expose
myself to danger, and to act with some boldness; so I gave order to
shut the
doors, and went up into an upper room, and desired that they would send
in some
of their men to receive the money [from the spoils] for I told them
they would
then have no occasion to be angry with me; and when they had sent in
one of the
boldest of them all, I had him whipped severely, and I commanded that
one of
his hands should be cut off, and hung about his neck; and in this case
was he
put out to those that sent him. At which procedure of mine they were
greatly
affrighted, and in no small consternation, and were afraid that they
should
themselves be served in like manner, if they staid there; for they
supposed
that I had in the house more armed men than they had themselves; so
they ran
away immediately, while I, by the use of this stratagem, escaped this
their
second treacherous design against me.
31. But there were still some
that
irritated the multitude against me, and said that those great men that
belonged
to the king ought not to be suffered to live, if they would not change
their
religion to the religion of those to whom they fled for safety: they
spoke
reproachfully of them also, and said that they were wizards, and such
as called
in the Romans upon them. So the multitude was soon deluded by such
plausible
pretences as were agreeable to their own inclinations, and were
prevailed on by
them. But when I was informed of this, I instructed the multitude
again, that
those who fled to them for refuge ought not to be persecuted: I also
laughed at
the allegation about witchcraft, [13]
and told
them that the Romans would not maintain so many ten thousand soldiers,
if they
could overcome their enemies by wizards. Upon my saying this, the
people
assented for a while; but they returned again afterwards, as irritated
by some
ill people against the great men; nay, they once made an assault upon
the house
in which they dwelt at Taricheae, in order to kill them; which, when I
was
informed of, I was afraid lest so horrid a crime should take effect,
and nobody
else would make that city their refuge any more. I therefore came
myself, and
some others with me, to the house where these great men lived, and
locked the
doors, and had a trench drawn from their house leading to the lake, and
sent
for a ship, and embarked therein with them, and sailed to the confines
of
Hippos: I also paid them the value of their horses; nor in such a
flight could
I have their horses brought to them. I then dismissed them, and begged
of them
earnestly that they would courageously bear I this distress which
befell them.
I was also myself I greatly displeased that I was compelled to expose
those
that had fled to me to go again into an enemy's country; yet did I
think it
more eligible that they should perish among the Romans, if it should so
happen,
than in the country that was under my jurisdiction. However, they
escaped at
length, and king Agrippa forgave them their offenses. And this was the
conclusion of what concerned these men.
32. But as for the inhabitants
of the city
of Tiberias, they
wrote to the
king, and desired him to send them forces sufficient to be a guard to
their
country; for that they were desirous to come over to him: this was what
they
wrote to him. But when I came to them, they desired me to build their
walls, as
I had promised them to do; for they had heard that the walls of
Taricheae were
already built. I agreed to their proposal accordingly; and when I had
made
preparation for the entire building, I gave order to the architects to
go to
work; but on the third day, when I was gone to Taricheae, which was
thirty
furlongs distant from Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman
horsemen were
discovered on their march, not far from the city, which made it to be
supposed
that the forces were come from the king; upon which they shouted, and
lifted up
their voices in commendations of the king, and in reproaches against
me.
Hereupon one came running to me, and told me what their dispositions
were, and
that they had resolved to revolt from me: upon hearing which news I was
very
much alarmed; for I had already sent away my armed men from Taricheae,
to their
own homes, because the next day was our sabbath; for I would not have
the
people of Taricheae disturbed [on that day] by a multitude of soldiers;
and
indeed, whenever I sojourned at that city, I never took any particular
care for
a guard about my own body, because I had had frequent instances of the
fidelity
its inhabitants bore to me. I had now about me no more than seven armed
men,
besides some friends, and was doubtful what to do; for to send to
recall my own
forces I did not think proper, because the present day was almost over;
and had
those forces been with me, I could not take up arms on the next day,
because
our laws forbade us so to do, even though our necessity should be very
great;
and if I should permit the people of Taricheae, and the strangers with
them, to
guard the city, I saw that they would not be sufficient for that
purpose, and I
perceived that I should be obliged to delay my assistance a great
while; for I
thought with myself that the forces that came from the king would
prevent me,
and that I should be driven out of the city. I considered, therefore,
how to
get clear of these forces by a stratagem; so I immediately placed those
my
friends of Taricheae, on whom I could best confide, at the gates, to
watch
those very carefully who went out at those gates: I also called to me
the heads
of families, and bade every one of them to seize upon a ship [14] to go on board it, and to take a
master with
them, and follow him to the city of Tiberias. I also myself went on
board one
of those ships, with my friends, and the seven armed men already
mentioned, and
sailed for Tiberias.
33. But now, when the people of
Tiberias
perceived that there were no forces come from the king, and yet saw the
whole
lake full of ships, they were in fear what would become of their city,
and were
greatly terrified, as supposing that the ships were full of men on
board; so
they then changed their minds, and threw down their weapons, and met me
with
their wives and children, and made acclamations to me with great
commendations;
for they imagined that I did not know their former inclinations [to
have been
against me]; so they persuaded me to spare the city. But when I was
come near
enough, I gave order to the masters of the ships to cast anchor a good
way off
the land, that the people of Tiberias might not perceive that the ships
had no
men on board; but I went nearer to the people in one of the ships, and
rebuked
them for their folly, ,and that they were so fickle as, without any
just
occasion in the world, to revolt from their fidelity to me. However,
assured
them that I would entirely forgive them for the time to come, if they
would
send ten of the ringleaders of the multitude to me; and when they
complied
readily with this proposal, and sent me the men forementioned, I put
them on
board a ship, and sent them away to Taricheae; and ordered them to be
kept in
prison.
34. And by this stratagem it
was that I
gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into my power, and sent them
to the
city forementioned, with many of the principal men among the populace,
and
those not fewer in number than the other. But when the multitude saw
into what
great miseries they had brought themselves, they desired me to punish
the
author of this sedition: his name was Clitus, a young man, bold and
rash in his
undertakings. Now, since I thought it not agreeable to piety to put one
of my
own people to death, and yet found it necessary to punish him, I
ordered Levi,
one of my own guards, to go to him, and cut off one of Clitus's hands;
but as
he that was ordered to do this, was afraid to go out of the ship alone,
among
'so great a multitude, I was not willing that the timorousness of the
soldier
should appear to the people of Tiberias. So I called to Clitus himself
and said
to him," Since thou deservest to lose both thine hands for thy
ingratitude
to me, be thou thine own executioner, lest, if thou refusest so to be,
thou
undergo a worse punishment." And when he earnestly begged of me to
spare
him one of his hands, it was with difficulty that I granted it. So, in
order to
prevent the loss of both his hands, he willingly took his sword, and
cut off
his own left hand; and this put an end to the sedition.
35. Now the men of Tiberias,
after I was
gone to Taricheae, perceived what stratagem I had used against them,
and they
admired how I had put an end to their foolish sedition, without
shedding of
blood. But now, when I had sent for some of those multitudes of the
people of
Tiberias out of prison, among whom were Justus and his father Pistus, I
made
them to sup with me; and during our supper time I said to them, that I
knew the
power of the Romans was superior to all others, but did not say so
[publicly] because
of the robbers. So I advised them to do as I did, and to wait for a
proper
opportunity, and not to be uneasy at my being their commander; for that
they
could not expect to have another who would use the like moderation that
I had
done. I also put Justus in mind how the Galileans had cut off his
brother's
hands before ever I came to Jerusalem, upon an accusation laid against
him, as
if he had been a rogue, and had forged some letters; as also how the
people of
Gamala, in a sedition they raised against the Babylonians, after the
departure
of Philip, slew Chares, who was a kinsman of Philip, and withal how
they had
wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justuses sister's husband [with
death]. When
I had said this to them during supper time, I in the morning ordered
Justus,
and all the rest that were in prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent
away.
36. But before this, it
happened that
Philip, the son of Jacimus, went out of the citadel of Gamala upon the
following occasion: When Philip had been informed that Varus was put
out of his
government by king Agrippa, and that Equiculus Modius, a man that was
of old
his friend and companion, was come to succeed him, he wrote to him, and
related
what turns of fortune he had had, and desired him to forward the
letters he
sent to the king and queen. Now, when Modius had received these
letters, he was
exceedingly glad, and sent the letters to the king and queen, who were
then
about Berytus. But when king Agrippa knew that the story about Philip
was
false, (for it had been given out, that the Jews had begun a war with
the
Romans, and that this Philip had been their commander in that war,) he
sent
some horsemen to conduct Philip to him; and when he was come, he
saluted him
very obligingly, and showed him to the Roman commanders, and told them
that
this was the man of whom the report had gone about as if he had
revolted from
the Romans. He also bid him to take some horsemen with him, and to go
quickly
to the citadel of Gamala, and to bring out thence all his domestics,
and to restore
the Babylonians to Batanea again. He also gave it him in charge to take
all
possible care that none of his subjects should be guilty of making any
innovation. Accordingly, upon these directions from the king, he made
haste to
do what he was commanded.
37. Now there was one Joseph,
the son of a
female physician, who excited a great many young men to join with him.
He also
insolently addressed himself to the principal persons at Gamala, and
persuaded
them to revolt from the king; and take up arms, and gave them hopes
that they
should, by his means, recover their liberty. And some they forced into
the
service, and those that would not acquiesce in what they had resolved
on, they
slew. They also slew Chares, and with him Jesus, one of his kinsmen,
and a
brother of Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said. Those of Gamala
also
wrote to me, desiring me to send them an armed force, and workmen to
raise up
the walls of their city; nor did I reject either of their requests. The
region
of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the king, as far as the village
Solyma. I
also built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni, which are villages naturally of very great
strength.
Moreover, I, in like manner, walled several villages of Upper Galilee, though they were
very rocky
of themselves. Their names are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. I also
fortified, in the Lower Galilee, the cities Tarichee, Tiberias,
Sepphoris, and
the villages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata,
Capharecho, and Sigo, and Japha, and Mount Tabor.
[15] I also laid up a great
quantity of
corn in
these places, and arms withal, that might be for their security
afterward.
38. But the hatred that John,
the son of
Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent, while he could not bear my
prosperity
with patience. So he proposed to himself, by all means possible, to
make away
with me; and built the walls of Gischala, which was the place of his
nativity.
He then sent his brother Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Sisenna, and
about a
hundred armed men, to Jerusalem,
to Simon, the son of Gamaliel, [16] in
order to
persuade him to induce the commonalty of Jerusalem to take from me the government over the Galileans, and
to give
their suffrages for conferring that authority upon him. This Simon was
of the
city of Jerusalem,
and of a
very noble family of the sect of the Pharisees, which are supposed to
excel
others in the accurate knowledge of the laws of their country. He was a
man of
great wisdom and reason, and capable of restoring public affairs by his
prudence, when they were in an ill posture. He was also an old friend
and
companion of John; but at that time he had a difference with me. When
therefore
he had received such an exhortation, he persuaded the high priests,
Ananus, and
Jesus the son of Gamala, and some others of the same seditious faction,
to cut
me down, now I was growing so great, and not to overlook me while I was
aggrandizing myself to the height of glory; and he said that it would
be for
the advantage of the Galileans, if I were deprived of my government
there.
Ananus also, and his friends, desired them to make no delay about the
matter,
lest I should get the knowledge of what was doing too soon, and should
come and
make an assault upon the city with a great army. This was the counsel
of Simon;
but Artanus the high priest demonstrated to them that this was not an
easy
thing to be done, because many of the high priests and of the rulers of
the
people bore witness that I had acted like an excellent general, and
that it was
the work of ill men to accuse one against whom they had nothing to say.
39. When Simon heard Ananus say
this, he
desired that the messengers would conceal the thing, and not let it
come among
many; for that he would take care to have Josephus removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he
called for
John's brother, [Simon,] and charged him that they should send presents
to
Ananus and his friends; for, as he said, they might probably by that
means
persuade them to change their minds. And indeed Simon did at length
thus
compass what he aimed at; for Artanus, and those with him, being
corrupted by
bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee, without making the rest of the citizens acquainted with
what they
were doing. Accordingly, they resolved to send men of distinction as to
their
families, and of distinction as to their learning also. Two of these
were of
the populace, Jonathan [17] and
Ananias, by sect
Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of the stock of the priests, and
a
Pharisee also; and Simon, the last of them, was of the youngest of the
high
priests. These had it given them in charge, that, when they were come
to the
multitude of the Galileans, they should ask them, what was the reason
of their
love to me? and if they said that it was because I was born at
Jerusalem, that
they should reply, that they four were all born at the same place; and
if they
should say, it was because I was well versed in their law, they should
reply,
that neither were they unacquainted with the practices of their
country; but
if, besides these, they should say, they loved me because I was a
priest, they
should reply, that two of these were priests also.
40. Now, when they had given
Jonathan and
his companions these instructions, they gave them forty thousand
[drachmae] out
of the public money: but when they heard that there was a certain
Galilean that
then sojourned at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who had about him a
band of
six hundred armed men, they sent for him, and gave him three months
pay, and
gave him orders to follow Jonathan and his companions, and be obedient
to them.
They also gave money to three hundred men that were citizens of
Jerusalem, to
maintain them all, and ordered them also to follow the ambassadors; and
when
they had complied, and were gotten ready for the march, Jonathan and
his companions
went out with them, having along with them John's brother and a hundred
armed
men. The charge that was given them by those that sent them was this:
That if I
would voluntarily lay down my arms, they should send me alive to the
city of Jerusalem;
but that, in case I opposed
them, they should kill me, and fear nothing; for that it was their
command for
them so to do. They also wrote to John to make all ready for fighting
me, and
gave orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and Gabara, and Tiberius,
to send
auxiliaries to John.
41. Now, as my father wrote me
an account
of this, (for Jesus the son of Gamala, who was present in that council,
a
friend and companion of mine, told him of it,) I was very much
troubled, as
discovering thereby that my fellow citizens proved so ungrateful to me,
as, out
of envy, to give order that I should be slain: my father earnestly
pressed me
also in his letter to come to him, for that he longed to see his son
before he
died. I informed my friends of these things, and that in three days'
time I
should leave the country, and go home. Upon hearing this, they were all
very
sorry, and desired me, with tears in their eyes, not to leave them to
be
destroyed; for so they thought they should be, if I were deprived of
the
command over them: but as I did not grant their request, but was taking
care of
my own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread of the consequence of
my
departure, that they should then be at the mercy of the robbers, sent
messengers over all Galilee to inform them of my resolution to leave
them.
Whereupon, as soon as they heard it, they got together in great
numbers, from
all parts, with their wives and children; and this they did, as it
appeared to
me, not more out of their affection to me, than out of their fear on
their own
account; for while I staid with them, they supposed that they should
suffer no
harm. So they all came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the name
of which
was Asochis.
42. But wonderful it was what a
dream I saw
that very night; for when I had betaken myself to my bed, as grieved
and
disturbed at the news that had been written to me, it seemed to me,
that a
certain person stood by me, [18] and
said,
"O Josephus! leave off to afflict thy soul, and put away all fear; for
what now grieves thee will render thee very considerable, and in all
respects
most happy; for thou shalt get over not only these difficulties, but
many
others, with great success. However, be not cast down, but remember
that thou
art to fight with the Romans." When I had seen this dream, I got up
with
an intention of going down to the plain. Now, when the whole multitude
of the
Galileans, among whom were the women and children, saw me, they threw
themselves down upon their faces, and, with tears in their eyes,
besought me
not to leave them exposed to their enemies, nor to go away and permit
their
country to be injured by them. But when I did not comply, with their
entreaties, they compelled me to take an oath, that I would stay with
them:
they also cast abundance of reproaches upon the people of Jerusalem, that they would not
let their
country enjoy peace.
43. When I heard this, and saw
what sorrow
the people were in, I was moved with compassion to them, and thought it
became
me to undergo the most manifest hazards for the sake of so great a
multitude;
so I let them know I would stay with them. And when I had given order
that five
thousand off them should come to me armed, and with provisions for
their
maintenance, I sent the rest away to their own homes; and when those
five
thousand were come, I took them, together with three thousand of the
soldiers
that were with me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched to the
village of
Chabolo, situated in the confines of Ptolemais, and there kept my
forces
together, pretending to get ready to fight with Placidus, who was come
with two
cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, and was sent thither by
Cestius
Gallus to burn those villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais. Upon
whose
casting up a bank before the city Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp at
about
the distance of sixty furlongs from that village. And now we frequently
brought
out our forces as if we would fight, but proceeded no further than
skirmishes
at a distance; for when Placidus perceived that I was earnest to come
to a battle,
he was afraid, and avoided it. Yet did he not remove from the
neighbourhood of
Ptolemais.
44. About this time it was that
Jonathan
and his fellow legates came. They were sent, as we have said already,
by Simon,
and Ananus the high priest. And Jonathan contrived how he might catch
me by
treachery; for he durst not make any attempt upon me openly. So he
wrote me the
following epistle: "Jonathan and those that are with him, and are sent
by
the people of Jerusalem, to
Josephus, send greeting. We are sent by the principal men of Jerusalem, who have heard that
John of
Gischala hath laid many snares for thee, to rebuke him, and to exhort
him to be
subject to thee hereafter. We are also desirous to consult with thee
about our
common concerns, and what is fit to be done. We therefore desire thee
to come
to us quickly, and to bring only a few men with thee; for this village
will not
contain a great number of soldiers." Thus it was that they wrote, as
expecting one of these two things; either that I should come without
armed men,
and then they should have me wholly in their power; or, if I came with
a great
number, they should judge me to be a public enemy. Now it was a
horseman who
brought the letter, a man at other times bold, and one that had served
in the army
under the king. It was the second hour of the night that he came, when
I was
feasting with my friends, and the principal of the Galileans. This man,
upon my
servant's telling me that a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was
come, was
called in at my command, but did not so much as salute me at all, but
held out
a letter, and said, "This letter is sent thee by those that are come
from
Jerusalem; do thou write an answer to it quickly; for I am obliged to
return to
them very soon. Now my guests could not but wonder at the boldness of
the
soldier. But I desired him to sit down and sup with us; but when he
refused so
to do, I held the letter in my hands as I received it, and fell a
talking with
my guests about other matters. But a few hours afterwards, I got up,
and when I
had dismissed the rest to go to their beds, I bid only four of my
intimate
friends to stay, and ordered my servant to get some wine ready. I also
opened
the letter so, that nobody could perceive it; and understanding thereby
presently the purport· of the writing, I sealed it up again, and
appeared as if
I had not yet read it, but only held it in my hands. I ordered twenty
drachmae
should be given the soldier for the charges of his journey; and when he
took
the money, and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived that he
loved money,
and that he was to be caught chiefly by that means; and I said to him,"
If
thou wilt but drink with us, thou shalt have a drachma for every glass
thou
drinkest." So he gladly embraced this proposal, and drank a great deal
of
wine, in order to get the more money, and was so drunk, that at last he
could
not keep the secrets he was intrusted with, but discovered them without
my
putting questions to him, viz. That a treacherous design was contrived
against
me, and that I was doomed to die by those that sent him. When I heard
this, I
wrote back this answer: "Josephus to Jonathan, and those that are with
him, sendeth greeting. Upon the information that you are come in health
into
Galilee, I rejoice, and this especially because I can now resign the
care of
public affairs here into your hands, and return into my native country,
which
is what I have desired to do a great while; and I confess I ought not
only to
come to you as far as Xaloth, but farther, and this without your
commands. But
I desire you to excuse me, because I cannot do it now, since I watch
the
motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to go up into Galilee; and this I do here at
Chabolo. Do you therefore, on the receipt of
this epistle, come hither to me. Fare you well."
45. When I had written thus,
and given the
letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent along with him thirty of
the
Galileans of the best characters, and gave them instructions to salute
those
ambassadors, but to say nothing else to them. I also gave orders to as
many of
those armed men, whom I esteemed most faithful to me, to go along with
the
others, every one with him whom he was to guard, lest some conversation
might
pass between those whom I sent and those who were with Jonathan. So
those men
went [to Jonathan]. But when Jonathan and his partners had failed in
this their
first attempt, they sent me another letter, the contents whereof were
as
follows: "Jonathan, and those with him, to Josephus, send greeting. We
require thee to come to us to the village Gabaroth, on the third day,
without
any armed men, that we may hear what thou hast to lay to the charge of
John [of
Gischala]." When they had written this letter, they saluted the
Galileans
whom I sent, and came to Japha, which was the largest village of all Galilee, and encompassed with
very strong
walls, and had a great number of inhabitants in it. There the multitude
of men,
with their wives and children, met them, and exclaimed loudly against
them; and
desired them to be gone, and not to envy them the advantage of an
excellent
commander. With these clamours Jonathan and his partners were greatly
provoked,
although they durst not show their anger openly; so they made them no
answer,
but went to other villages. But still the same clamours met them from
all the
people, who said, "Nobody should persuade them to have any other
commander
besides Josephus." So Jonathan and his partners went away from them
without success, and came to Sepphoris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the men of that
city, who
inclined to the Romans in their sentiments, met them indeed, but
neither
praised nor reproached me and when they were gone down from Sepphoris
to
Asochis, the people of that place made a clamour against them, as those
of
Japha had done; whereupon they were able to contain themselves no
longer, but
ordered the armed men that were with them to beat those that made the
clamour
with their clubs. And when they came to Gabara, John met them with
three
thousand armed men; but, as I understood by their letter that they had
resolved
to fight against me, I arose from Chabolo, with three thousand armed
men also;
but left in my camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jotapata, as
desirous to be near them, the distance being no more than forty
furlongs. Whence
I wrote thus to them: "If you are very desirous that I should come to
you,
you know there are two hundred and forty cities and villages in
Galilee; I will
come to any of them which you please, excepting Gaburn and Gischala;
the one of
which is John's native city, and the other in confederacy and
friendship with
him."
46. When Jonathan and his
partners had
received this letter, they wrote me no more answers, but called a
council of
their friends together; and taking John into their consultation, they
took counsel
together by what means they might attack me. John's opinion was, that
they
should write to all the cities and villages that were in Galilee; for that there must be
certainly
one or two persons in every one of them that were at variance with me,
and that
they should be invited to come to oppose me as an enemy. He would also
have
them send this resolution of theirs to the city of Jerusalem, that its citizens,
upon the knowledge of my being adjudged to be
an enemy by the Galileans, might themselves I also confirm that
determination.
He said also, that when this was done, even those Galileans who were
well
affected to me, would desert me out of fear. When John had given them
this
counsel, what he had said was very agreeable to the rest of them. I was
also
made acquainted with these affairs about the third hour of the night,
by the
means of one Saccheus, who had belonged to them, but now deserted them
and came
over to me, and told me what they were about; so I perceived that no
time was
to be lost. Accordingly, I gave command to Jacob, an armed man of my
guard,
whom I esteemed faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and to guard
the
passages that led from Gabara to Galilee, and to seize upon the
passengers, and
send them to me, especially such as were caught with letters about
them: I also
sent Jeremias himself, one of my friends, with six hundred armed men,
to the
borders of Galilee, in order to watch the roads that led from this
country to
the city Jerusalem, and gave him charge to lay hold of such as
travelled with
letters about them, to keep the men in bonds upon the place, but to
send me the
letters.
47. When I had laid these
commands upon
them, I gave them orders, and bid them take their arms and bring three
days'
provision with them, and be with me the next day. I also parted those
that were
about me into four parts, and ordained those of them that were most
faithful to
me to be a guard to my body. I also set over them centurions, and
commanded
them to take care that not a soldier which they did not know should
mingle
himself among them. Now, on the fifth day following, when I was at
Gabaroth, I
found the entire plain that was before the village full of armed men,
who were
come out of Galilee
to assist
me: many others of the multitude, also, out of the village, ran along
with me.
But as soon as I had taken my place, and began to speak to them, they
all made
an acclamation, and called me the benefactor and saviour of the
country. And
when I had made them my acknowledgments, and thanked them [for their
affection
to me], I also advised them to fight with nobody, [19]
nor to spoil the country; but to pitch their tents in the plain, and be
content
with their sustenance they had brought with them; for I told them that
I had a
mind to compose these troubles without shedding any blood. Now it came
to pass,
that on the very same day those who were sent by John with letters,
fell among
the guards whom I had appointed to watch the roads; so the men were
themselves
kept upon the place, as my orders were, but I got the letters, which
were full
of reproaches and lies; and I intended to fall upon these men, without
saying a
word of these matters to any body.
48. Now, as soon as Jonathan
and his
companions heard of my coming, they took all their own friends, and
John with
them, and retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed was a large
castle, and
no way unlike a citadel; so they privately laid a band of armed men
therein,
and shut all the other doors but one, which they kept open, and they
expected
that I should come out of the road to them, to salute them. And indeed
they had
given orders to the armed men, that when I came they should let nobody
besides
me come in, but should exclude others; as supposing that, by this
means, they
should easily get me under their power: but they were deceived in their
expectation; for I perceived what snares they had laid for me. Now, as
soon as
I was got off my journey, I took up my lodgings over against them, and
pretended to be asleep; so Jonathan and his party, thinking that I was
really
asleep and at rest, made haste to go down into the plain, to persuade
the
people that I was an ill governor. But the matter proved otherwise;
for, upon
their appearance, there was a cry made by the Galileans immediately,
declaring
their good opinion of me as their governor; and they made a clamour
against
Jonathan and his partners for coming to them when they had suffered no
harm,
and as though they would overturn their happy settlement; and desired
them by
all means to go back again, for that they would never be persuaded to
have any
other to rule over them but myself. When I heard of this, I did not
fear to go
down into the midst of them; I went, therefore, myself down presently
to hear
what Jonathan and his companions said. As soon as I appeared, there was
immediately an acclamation made to me by the whole multitude, and a cry
in my
commendation by them, who confessed their thanks was owing to me for my
good
government of them.
49. When Jonathan and his
companions heard
this, they were in fear of their own lives, and in danger lest they
should be
assaulted by the Galileans on nay account; so they contrived how they
might run
away. But as they were not able to get off, for I desired them to stay,
they
looked down with concern at my words to them. I ordered, therefore, the
multitude to restrain entirely their acclamations, and placed the most
faithful
of my armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard to us, lest John should
unexpected fall upon us; and I encouraged the Galileans to take their
weapons,
lest they should be disturbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult
should be
made upon them. And then, in the first place, I put Jonathan and his
partners
in mind of their [former] letter, and after what manner they had
written to me,
and declared they were sent by the common consent to the people of
Jerusalem,
to make up the differences I had with John, and how they had desired me
to come
to them; and as I spake thus, I publicly showed that letter they had
written,
till they could not at all deny what they had done, the letter itself
convicting them. I then said, "O Jonathan! and you that are sent with
him
as his colleagues, if I were to be judged as to my behaviour, compared
with
that of John's, and had brought no more than two or three witnesses, [20] good men and true, it is plain you
had been
forced, upon the examination of their characters beforehand, to
discharge the
accusations: that therefore you may be informed that I have acted well
in the
affairs of Galilee, I think three witnesses too few to be brought by a
man that
hath done as he ought to do; so I gave you all these for witnesses.
Inquire of
them [21] how I have lived, and whether
I have
not behaved myself with all decency, and after a virtuous manner, among
them.
And I further conjure you, O Galileans! to hide no part of the truth,
but to
speak before these men as before judges, whether I have in any thing
acted
otherwise than well."
50. While I was thus speaking,
the united
voices of all the people joined together, and called me their
benefactor and
saviour, and attested to my former behaviour, and exhorted me to
continue so to
do hereafter; and they all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had
been
preserved free from injuries, and that no one had ever been aggrieved
by me.
After this, I read to the Galileans two of those epistles which had
been sent
by Jonathan and his colleagues, and which those whom I had appointed to
guard
the road had taken, and sent to me. These were full of reproaches, and
of lies,
as if I had acted more like a tyrant than a governor against them, with
many
other things besides therein contained, which were no better indeed
than
impudent falsities. I also informed the multitude how I came by these
letters,
and that those who carried them delivered them up voluntarily; for I
was not
willing that my enemies should know any thing of the guards I had set,
lest
they should be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter.
51. When the multitude heard
these things,
they were greatly provoked at Jonathan, and his colleagues that were
with him,
and were going to attack them, and kill them; and this they had
certainly done,
unless I had restrained the anger of the Galileans, and said, that" I
forgave Jonathan and his colleagues what was past, if they would
repent, and go
to their own country, and tell those who sent them the truth, as to my
conduct." When I had said this, I let them go, although I knew they
would
do nothing of what they had promised. But the multitude were very much
enraged
against them, and entreated me to give them leave to punish them for
their
insolence; yet did I try all methods to persuade them to spare the men;
for I
knew that every instance of sedition was pernicious to the public
welfare. But
the multitude was too angry with them to be dissuaded, and all of them
went
immediately to the house in which Jonathan and his colleagues abode.
However,
when I perceived that their rage could not be restrained, I got on
horseback,
and ordered the multitude to follow me to the village Sogane, which was
twenty
furlongs off Gabara; and by using this stratagem, I so managed myself,
as not
to appear to begin a civil war ,amongst them.
52. But when I was come near
Sogane, I
caused the multitude to make a halt, and exhorted them not to be so
easily
provoked to anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as could not
be
afterwards recalled: I also gave order, that a hundred men, who were
already in
years, and were principal men among them, should get themselves ready
to go to
the city of Jerusalem, and should .make a complaint before the people
of such
as raised seditions in the country. And I said to them, that" in case
they
be moved with what you say, you shall desire the community to write to
me, and
to enjoin me to continue in Galilee, and to order Jonathan and his colleagues to depart out
of
it." When I had suggested these instructions to them, and while they
were
getting themselves ready as fast as they could, I sent them on this
errand the
third day after they had been assembled: I also sent five hundred armed
men
with them [as a guard]. I then wrote to my friends in Samaria, to take
care
that they might safely pass through the country: for Samaria was
already under
the Romans, and it was absolutely necessary for those that go quickly
[to
Jerusalem] to pass through that country; for in that road you may, in
three
days' time, go from Galilee to Jerusalem. I also went myself, and
conducted the
old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and set guards in the roads, that it might not be
easily known by
any one that these men were gone. And when I had thus done, I went and
abode at
Japha.
53. Now Jonathan and his
colleagues, having
failed of accomplishing what they would have done against me, sent John
back to
Gischala, but went themselves to the city of Tiberias, expecting it
would submit
itself to them; and this was founded on a letter which Jesus, their
then
governor, had written them, promising that, if they came, the multitude
would
receive them, and choose to be under their government; so they went
their ways
with this expectation. But Silas, who, as I said, had been left curator
of
Tiberias by me, informed me of this, and desired me to make haste
thither.
Accordingly, I complied with his advice immediately, and came thither;
but
found myself in danger of my life, from the following occasion:
Jonathan and
his colleagues had been at Tiberias, and had persuaded a great many of
such as
had a quarrel with me to desert me; but when they heard of my coming,
they were
in fear for themselves, and came to me; and when they had saluted me,
they
said, that I was a happy man in having behaved myself so well in the
government
of Galilee; and they congratulated me upon the honours that were paid
me: for
they said that my glory was a credit to them, since they had been my
teachers
and fellow citizens; and they said further, that it was but just that
they
should prefer my friendship to them rather than John's, and that they
would
have immediately gone home, but that they staid that they might deliver
up John
into my power; and when they said this they took their oaths of it, and
those
such as are most tremendous amongst us, and such as I did not think fit
to
disbelieve. However, they desired me to lodge some where else, because
the next
day was the Sabbath, and that it was not fit the city of Tiberias should be disturbed
[on that
day].
54. So I suspected nothing, and
went away
to Taricheae; yet did I withal leave some to make inquiry in the city
how
matters went, and whether any thing was said about me: I also set many
persons
all the way that led from Taricheae to Tiberias, that they might
communicate
from one to another, if they learned any news from those that were left
in the
city. On the next day, therefore, they all came into the Proseucha;
[22] it was a large edifice, and capable
of
receiving a great number of people; thither Jonathan went in, and
though he
durst not openly speak of a revolt, yet did he say that their city
stood in
need of a better governor than it then had. But Jesus, who was the
ruler, made
no scruple to speak out, and said openly," O fellow citizens! it is
better
for you to be in subjection to four than to one; and those such as are
of high
birth, and not without reputation for their wisdom;" and pointed to
Jonathan and his colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came in and
commended
him for what he had said, and persuaded some of the people to be of his
mind
also. But the multitude were not pleased with what was said, and had
certainly
gone into a tumult, unless the sixth hour, which was now come, had
dissolved
the assembly, at which hour our laws require us to go to dinner on
Sabbath
days; so Jonathan and his colleagues put off their council till the
next day,
and went off without success. When I was informed of these affairs, I
determined to go to the city of Tiberias in the morning. Accordingly, on the next day, about the
first hour
of the day, I came from Taricheae, and found the multitude already
assembled in
the Proseucha; but on what account they were gotten together, those
that were
assembled did not know. But when Jonathan and his colleagues saw me
there
unexpectedly, they were in disorder; after which they raised a report
of their
own contrivance, that Roman horsemen were seen at a place called Union,
in the
borders of Galilee,
thirty
furlongs distant from the city. Upon which report, Jonathan and his
colleagues
cunningly exhorted me not to neglect this matter, nor to suffer the
land to be
spoiled by the enemy. And this they said with a design to remove me out
of the
city, under the pretense of the want of extraordinary assistance, while
they
might dispose the city to be my enemy.
55. As for myself, although I
knew of their
design, yet did I comply with what they proposed, lest the people of
Tiberias
should have occasion to suppose that I was not careful of their
security. I
therefore went out; but, when I was at the place, I found not the least
footsteps of any enemy, so I returned as fast as ever I could, and
found the
whole council assembled, and the body of the people gotten together,
and
Jonathan and his colleagues bringing vehement accusations against me,
as one
who had no concern to ease them of the burdens of war, and as one that
lived
luxuriously. And as they were discoursing thus, they produced four
letters, as
written to them from some people that lived at the borders of Galilee,
imploring that they would come to their assistance, for that there was
an army
of Romans, both horsemen and footmen, who would come and lay waste the
country
on the third day; they desired them also to make haste, and not to
overlook them.
When the people of Tiberias heard this, they thought they spake truth,
and made
a clamour against me, and said I ought not to sit still, but to go away
to the
assistance of their countrymen. Hereupon I said (for I understood the
meaning
of Jonathan and his colleagues) that I was ready to comply with what
they
proposed, and without delay to march to the war which they spake of,
yet did I
advise them, at the same time, that since these letters declared that
the
Romans would make their assault in four several places, they should
part their
forces into five bodies, and make Jonathan and his colleagues generals
of each
body of them, because it was fit for brave men, not only to give
counsel, but
to take the place of leaders, and assist their countrymen when such a
necessity
pressed them; for, said I, it is not possible for me to lead more than
one
party. This advice of mine greatly pleased the multitude; so they
compelled
them to go forth to the war. But their designs were put into very much
disorder, because they had not done what they had designed to do, on
account of
my stratagem, which was opposite to their undertakings.
56. Now there was one whose
name was
Ananias (a wicked man he was, and very mischievous); he proposed that a
general
religious fast [23] should be appointed
the next
day for all the people, and gave order that at the same hour they
should come
to the same place, without any weapons, to make it manifest before God,
that
while they obtained his assistance, they thought all these weapons
useless.
This he said, not out of piety, but that they might catch me and my
friends
unarmed. Now, I was hereupon forced to comply, lest I should appear to
despise
a proposal that tended to piety. As soon, therefore, as we were gone
home,
Jonathan and his colleagues wrote to John to come to them in the
morning, and
desiring him to come with as many soldiers as he possibly could, for
that they
should then be able easily to get me into their hands, and to do all
they
desired to do. When John had received this letter, he resolved to
comply with
it. As for myself, on the next day, I ordered two of the guards of my
body,
whom I esteemed the most courageous and most faithful, to hide daggers
under
their garments, and to go along with me, that we might defend
ourselves, if any
attack should be made upon us by our enemies. I also myself took my
breastplate, and girded on my sword, so that it might be, as far as it
was
possible, concealed, and came into the Proseucha.
57. Now Jesus, who was the
ruler, commanded
that they should exclude all that came with me, for he kept the door
himself,
and suffered none but his friends to go in. And while we were engaged
in the
duties of the day, and had betaken ourselves to our prayers, Jesus got
up, and
inquired of me what was become of the vessels that were taken out of
the king's
palace, when it was burnt down [and] of that uncoined silver; and in
whose
possession they now were? This he said, in order to drive away time
till John
should come. I said that Capellus, and the ten principal men of
Tiberias, had
them all; and I told him that they might ask them whether I told a lie
or not.
And when they said they had them, he asked me, What is become of those
twenty
pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon the sale of a certain
weight of
uncoined money? I replied, that I had given them to those ambassadors
of
theirs, as a maintenance for them, when they were sent by them to Jerusalem. So Jonathan and his
colleagues
said that I had not done well to pay the ambassadors out of the public
money.
And when the multitude were very angry at them for this, for they
perceived the
wickedness of the men, I understood that a tumult was going to arise;
and being
desirous to provoke the people to a greater rage against the men, I
said,
"But if I have not done well in paying our ambassadors out of the
public
stock, leave off your anger at me, for I will repay the twenty pieces
of gold
myself."
58. When I had said this,
Jonathan and his
colleagues held their peace; but the people were still more irritated
against
them, upon their openly showing their unjust ill-will to me. When Jesus
saw
this change in file people, he ordered them to depart, but desired the
senate
to stay; for that they could not examine things of such a nature in a
tumult:
and as the people were crying out that they would not leave me alone,
there
came one and told Jesus and his friends privately, that John and his
armed men
were at hand: whereupon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able to
contain
themselves no longer, (and perhaps the providence of God hereby
procuring my
deliverance, for had not this been so, I had certainly been destroyed
by John,)
said, "O you people of Tiberias! leave off this inquiry about the
twenty
pieces of gold; for Josephus hath not deserved to die for them; but he
hath
deserved it by his desire of tyrannizing, and by cheating the multitude
of the
Galileans with his speeches, in order to gain the dominion over them."
When he had said this, they presently laid hands upon me, and
endeavoured to
kill me: but as soon as those that were with me saw what they did, they
drew
their swords, and threatened to smite them, if they offered any
violence to me.
The people also took up stones, and were about to throw them at
Jonathan; and
so they snatched me from the violence of my enemies.
59. But as I was gone out a
little way, I
was just upon meeting John, who was marching with his armed men. So I
was
afraid of him, and turned aside, and escaped by a narrow passage to the
lake,
and seized on a ship, and embarked in it, and sailed over to Taricheae.
So,
beyond my expectation, I escaped this danger. Whereupon I presently
sent for
the chief of the Galileans, and told them after what manner, against
all faith
given, I had been very near to destruction from Jonathan and his
colleagues,
and the people of Tiberias. Upon which the multitude of the Galileans
were
very. angry, and encouraged me to delay no longer to make war upon
them, but to
permit them to go against John, and utterly to destroy him, as well as
Jonathan
and his colleagues. However, I restrained them, though they were in
such a
rage, and desired them to tarry a while, till we should be informed
what orders
those ambassadors, that were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem,
should
bring thence; for I told them that it was best for them to act
according to
their determination; whereupon they were prevailed on. At which time,
also,
John, when the snares he had laid did not take effect, returned back to
Gischala.
60. Now, in a few days, those
ambassadors
whom he had sent, came back again and informed us, that the people were
greatly
provoked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Gamaliel, and their friends;
that,
without any public determination, they had sent to Galilee, and had done their
endeavours that I might be turned out of the
government. The ambassadors said further, that the people were ready to
burn
their houses. They also brought letters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem, at the earnest
petition of the
people, confirmed me in the government of Galilee, and enjoined Jonathan and his colleagues to return home
quickly.
When I had gotten these letters, I came to the village Arbela, where I
procured
an assembly of the Galileans to meet, and bid the ambassadors declare
to them
the anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had been done by Jonathan
and his
colleagues, and how much they hated their wicked doings, and how they
had
confirmed me in the government of their country, as also what related
to the
order they had in writing for Jonathan and his colleagues to return
home. So I
immediately sent them the letter, and bid him that carried it to
inquire, as
well as he could, how they intended to act [on this occasion.]
61. Now, when they had received
that
letter, and were thereby greatly disturbed, they sent for John, and for
the senators
of Tiberias, and for the principal men of the Gabarens, and proposed to
hold a
council, and desired them to consider what was to be done by them.
However, the
governors of Tiberias were greatly disposed to keep the government to
themselves; for they said it was not fit to desert their city, now it
was
committed to their trust, and that otherwise I should not delay to fall
upon
them; for they pretended falsely that so I had threatened to do. Now
John was
not only of their opinion, but advised them, that two of them should go
to
accuse me before the multitude [at Jerusalem], that I do not manage the
affairs
of Galilee as I ought to do; and that they would easily persuade the
people,
because of their dignity, and because the whole multitude are very
mutable.
When, therefore, it appeared that John had suggested the wisest advice
to them,
they resolved that two of them, Jonathan and Ananias, should go to the
people
of Jerusalem, and
the other two
[Simon and Joazar] should be left behind to tarry at Tiberius. They
also took
along with them a hundred soldiers for their guard.
62. However, the governors of
Tiberias took
care to have their city secured with walls, and commanded their
inhabitants to
take their arms. They also sent for a great many soldiers from John, to
assist
them against me, if there should be occasion for them. Now John was at
Gischala. Jonathan, therefore, and those that were with him, when they
were
departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they were come to Dabaritta, a
village
that lay in the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, they,
about
midnight, fell among the guards I had set, who both commanded them to
lay aside
their weapons, and kept them in bonds upon the place, as I had charged
them to
do. This news was written to me by Levi, who had the command of that
guard
committed to him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it for two days;
and,
pretending to know nothing about it, I sent a message to the people of
Tiberias, and advised them to lay their arms aside, and to dismiss
their men,
that they might go home. But, supposing that Jonathan, and those that
were with
him, were already arrived at Jerusalem, they made reproachful answers
to me;
yet was I not terrified thereby, but contrived another stratagem
against them,
for I did not think it agreeable with piety to kindle the fire of war
against
the citizens. As I was desirous to draw those men away from Tiberias, I
chose
out ten thousand of the best of my armed men, and divided them into
three
bodies, and ordered them to go privately, and lie still as an ambush,
in the
villages. I also led a thousand into another village, which lay indeed
in the
mountains, as did the others, but only four furlongs distant from
Tiberias; and
gave orders, that when they saw my signal, they should come down
immediately,
while I myself lay with my soldiers in the sight of every body.
Hereupon the
people of Tiberias, at the sight of me, came running out of the city
perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay, their madness was come to that
height,
that they made a decent bier for me, and, standing about it, they
mourned over
me in the way of jest and sport; and I could not but be myself in a
pleasant
humour upon the sight of this madness of theirs.
63. And now being desirous to
catch Simon
by a wile, and Joazar with him, I sent a message to them, and desired
them to
come a little way out of the city, and many of their friends to guard
them; for
I said I would come down to them, and make a league with them, and
divide the
government of Galilee with them. Accordingly, Simon was deluded on
account of
his imprudence, and out of the hopes of gain, and did not delay to
come; but
Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for him, staid behind. So when
Simon was
come out, and his friends with him, for his guard, I met him, and
saluted him
with great civility, and professed that I was obliged to him for his
coming up
to me; but a little while afterward I walked along with him as though I
would
say something to him by myself; and when I had drawn him a good way
from his
friends, I took him about the middle, and gave him to my friends that
were with
me, to carry him into a village; and, commanding my armed men to come
down, I
with them made an assault upon Tiberias. Now, as the fight grew hot on
both
sides, and the soldiers belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to
conquer me,
(for my armed men were already fled away,) I saw the posture of my
affairs; and
encouraging those that were with me, I pursued those of Tiberias, even
when
they were already conquerors, into the city. I also sent another band
of
soldiers into the city by the lake, and gave them orders to set on fire
the
first house they could seize upon. When this was done, the people of
Tiberias
thought that their city was taken by force, and so threw down their
arms for
fear, and implored, they, their wives, and children, that I would spare
their
city. So I was over-persuaded by their entreaties, and restrained the
soldiers
from the vehemence with which they pursued them; while I myself, upon
the
coming on of the evening, returned back with my soldiers, and went to
refresh
myself. I also invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted him on
occasion of
what had happened; and I promised that I would send him safe and secure
to
Jerusalem, and withal would give him provisions for his journey
thither.
64. But on the next day, I
brought ten
thousand armed men with me, and came to Tiberias. I then sent for the
principal
men of the multitude into the public place, and enjoined them to tell
me who
were the authors of the revolt; and when they told me who the men were,
I sent
them bound to the city Jotapata. But as to Jonathan and Ananias, I
freed them
from their bonds, and gave them provisions for their journey, together
with
Simon and Joazar, and five hundred armed men who should guard them; and
so I
sent them to Jerusalem. The
people of Tiberias also came to me again, and desired that I would
forgive them
for what they had done; and they said they would amend what they had
done amiss
with regard to me, by their fidelity for the time to come; and they
besought me
to preserve what spoils remained upon the plunder of the city, for
those that
had lost them. Accordingly, I enjoined those that had got them, to
bring them
all before us; and when they did not comply for a great while, and I
saw one of
the soldiers that were about me with a garment on that was more
splendid than
ordinary, I asked him whence he had it; and when he replied that he had
it out
of the plunder of the city, I had him punished with stripes; and I
threatened
all the rest to inflict a severer punishment upon them, unless they
produced
before us whatsoever they had plundered; and when a great many spoils
were
brought together, I restored to every one of Tiberias what they claimed
to be
their own.
65. And now I am come to this
part of my
narration, I have a mind to say a few things to Justus, who hath
himself
written a history concerning these affairs, as also to others who
profess to
write history, but have little regard to truth, and are not afraid,
either out
of ill-will or good-will to some persons, to relate falsehoods. These
men do
like those who compose forged deeds and conveyances; and because they
are not
brought to the like punishment with them, they have no regard to truth.
When,
therefore, Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the
Jewish
war, that he might appear to have been an industrious man, he falsified
in what
he related about me, and could not speak truth even about his own
country;
whence it is that, being belied by him, I am under a necessity to make
my
defense; and so I shall say what I have concealed till now. And let no
one
wonder that I have not told the world these things a great while ago.
For
although it be necessary for an historian to write the truth, yet is
such a one
not bound severely to animadvert on the wickedness of certain men; not
out of
any favour to them, but out of an author's own moderation. How then
comes it to
pass, O Justus! thou most sagacious of writers, (that I may address
myself to
him as if he were here present,) for so thou boastest of thyself, that
I and
the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country
engaged
in, both against the Romans and against the king [Agrippa, junior] For
before
ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem,
both
thou and all the people of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had
made
war with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their
villages to
be burnt, and a domestic servant of thine fell in the battle. Nor is it
I only
who say this; but so it is written in the Commentaries of Vespasian,
the
emperor; as also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamouring to
Vespasian
at Ptolemais, and desired that thou, who wast the author [of that war],
mightest be brought to punishment. And thou hadst certainly been
punished at
the command of Vespasian, had not king Agrippa, who had power given him
to have
thee put to death, at the earnest entreaty of his sister Bernice,
changed the
punishment from death into a long imprisonment. Thy political
administration of
affairs afterward doth also clearly discover both thy other behaviour
in life,
and that thou wast the occasion of thy country's revolt from the
Romans; plain
signs of which I shall produce presently. I have also a mind to say a
few things
to the rest of the people of Tiberias on thy account, and to
demonstrate to
those that light upon this history, that you bare no good-will, neither
to the
Romans, nor to the king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Galilee, O Justus! were
Sepphoris, and thy
country Tiberias. But Sepphoris, situated in the very midst of Galilee,
and
having many villages about it, and able with ease to have been bold and
troublesome to the Romans, if they had so pleased, yet did it resolve
to
continue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded
me out
of their city, and prohibited all their citizens from joining with the
Jews in
the war; and, that they might be out of danger from me, they, by a
wile, got
leave of me to fortify their city with walls: they also, of their own
accord,
admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Cestius Gallus,
who was
then president of Syria, and so had me in contempt, though I was then
very
powerful, and all were greatly afraid of me; and at the same time that
the
greatest of our cities, Jerusalem, was besieged, and that temple of
ours, which
belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemy's power,
they sent
no assistance thither, as not willing to have it thought they would
bear arms
against the Romans. But as for thy country, O Justus: situated upon the
lake of
Gennesareth, and distance from Hippos thirty furlongs, from Gadara
sixty, and
from Scythopolis, which was under the king's jurisdiction, a hundred
and
twenty; when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have
preserved its
fidelity [to the Romans,] if it had so pleased them to do, for the city
and its
people had plenty of weapons. But, as thou sayest, I was then the
author [of
their revolts]. And pray, O Justus! who was that author afterwards? For
thou
knowest that I was in the power of the Romans before Jerusalem was besieged, and
before the same time Jotapata was taker by force,
as well as many other fortresses, and a great many of the Galileans
fell in the
war. It was therefore then a proper time, when you were certainly freed
from
any fear on my account, to throw away your weapons, and to demonstrate
to the
king and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by
necessity,
that you fell into the war against them; but you staid till Vespasian
came
himself as far as your walls, with his whole army; and then you did
indeed lay
aside your weapons out of fear, and your city had for certain been
taken by
force, unless Vespasian had complied with the king's supplication for
you, and
had excused your madness. It was not I, therefore, who was the author
of this,
but your own inclinations to war. Do not you remember how often I got
you under
my power, and yet put none of you to death? Nay, you once fell into a
tumult
one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty-five of your
citizens, not
on account of your good-will to the king and to the Romans, but on
account of
your own wickedness, and this while I was besieged by the Romans in
Jotapata.
Nay, indeed, were there not reckoned up two thousand of the people of
Tiberias
during the siege of Jerusalem,
some of whom were slain, and the rest caught and carried captives? But
thou
wilt pretend that thou didst not engage in the war, since thou didst
flee to
the king. Yes, indeed, thou didst flee to him; but I say it was out of
fear of
me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But then,
for what
reason was it that king Agrippa, who procured thee thy life when thou
wast
condemned to die by Vespian, and who bestowed so much riches upon thee,
did
twice afterward put thee in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run
away from
thy country, and, when he had once ordered thee to be put to death, he
granted
thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Bernice? And when (after so many
of thy
wicked pranks) he made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying
his
epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not inquire
accurately into these matters of scandal against thee. Yet cannot I but
wonder
at thy impudence, when thou hast the assurance to say, that thou hast
better
related these affairs [of the war] than have all the others that have
written
about them, whilst thou didst not know what was done in Galilee; for
thou wast
then at Berytus with the king; nor didst thou know how much the Romans
suffered
at the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they brought upon us; nor
couldst
thou learn by inquiry what I did during that siege myself; for all
those that
might afford such information were quite destroyed in that siege. But
perhaps
thou wilt say, thou hast written of what was done against the people of
Jerusalem
exactly.
But how should that be?
for neither wast thou concerned in that war, nor hast thou read the
commentaries of Caesar; of which we have evident proof, because thou
hast
contradicted those commentaries of Caesar in thy history. But if thou
art so
hardy as to affirm, that thou hast written that history better than all
the
rest, why didst thou not publish thy history while the emperors
Vespasian and
Titus, the generals in that war, as well as king Agrippa and his
family, who
were men very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all
alive? for
thou hast had it written these twenty years, and then mightest thou
have had
the testimony of thy accuracy. But now when these men are no longer
with us,
and thou thinkest thou canst not be contradicted, thou venturest to
publish it.
But then I was not in like manner afraid of my own writing, but I
offered my
books to the emperors themselves, when the facts were almost under
men's eyes;
for I was conscious to myself, that I had observed the truth of the
facts; and
as I expected to have their attestation to them, so I was not deceived
in such
expectation. Moreover, I immediately presented my history to many other
persons, some of whom were concerned in the war, as was king Agrippa
and some
of his kindred. Now the emperor Titus was so desirous that the
knowledge of
these affairs should be taken from these books alone, that he
subscribed his
own hand to them, and ordered that they should be published; and for
king
Agrippa, he wrote me sixty-two letters, and attested to the truth of
what I had
therein delivered; two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou
mayst
thereby know their contents: - "King Agrippa to Josephus, however, when
thou comest to me, I will inform thee of a great many things which thou
dost
not know." So when this history was perfected, Agrippa, neither by way
of
flattery, which was not agreeable to him, nor by way of irony, as thou
wilt
say, (for he was entirely a stranger to such an evil disposition of
mind,) but
he wrote this by way of attestation to what was true, as all that read
histories may do. And so much shall be said concerning Justus [24] which I am obliged to add by way of
digression.
66. Now, when I had settled the
affairs of
Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a Sanhedrin, I consulted what
I
should do as to John. Whereupon it appeared to be the opinion of all
the
Galileans, that I should arm them all, and march against John, and
punish him
as the author of all the disorders that had happened. Yet was not I
pleased
with their determination; as purposing to compose these troubles
without
bloodshed. Upon this I exhorted them to use the utmost care to learn
the names
of all that were under John; which when they had done, and I thereby
was
apprized who the men were, I published an edict, wherein I offered
security and
my right hand to such of John's party as had a mind to repent; and I
allowed
twenty days' time to such as would take this most advantageous course
for
themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arms,
I would
burn their houses, and expose their goods to public sale. When the men
heard of
this, they were in no small disorder, and deserted John; and to the
number of
four thousand threw down their arms, and came to me. So that no others
staid
with John but his own citizens, and about fifteen hundred strangers
that came
from the metropolis of Tyre;
and when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he
continued
afterward in his own country, and was in great fear of me.
67. But about this time it was
that the
people of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms, out of a
confidence they
had in the strength of their walls, and because they saw me engaged in
other
affairs also. So they sent to Cestius Gallus, who was president of Syria, and desired that he
would either
come quickly to them, and take their city under his protection, or send
them a
garrison. Accordingly, Gallus promised them to come, but did not send
word when
he would come: and when I had learned so much, I took the soldiers that
were
with me, and made an assault upon the people of Sepphoris, and took the
city by
force. The Galileans took this opportunity, as thinking they had now a
proper
time for showing their hatred to them, since they bore ill-will to that
city
also. They then exerted themselves, as if they would destroy them all
utterly,
with those that sojourned there also. So they ran upon them, and set
their
houses on fire, as finding them without inhabitants; for the men, out
of fear,
ran together to the citadel. So the Galileans carried off every thing,
and
omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring upon their
countrymen.
When I saw this, I was exceedingly troubled at it, and commanded them
to leave
off, and put them in mind that it was not agreeable to piety to do such
things
to their countrymen: but since they neither would hearken to what I
exhorted,
nor to what I commanded them to do, (for the hatred they bore to the
people there
was too hard for my exhortations to them,) I bade those my friends, who
were
most faithful to me, and were about me, to give on reports, as if the
Romans
were falling upon the other part of the city with a great army; and
this I did,
that, by such a report being spread abroad, I might restrain the
violence of
the Galileans, and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at length this
stratagem
had its effect; for, upon hearing this report, they were in fear for
themselves, and so they left off plundering and ran away; and this more
especially, because they saw me, their general, do the same also; for,
that I
might cause this report to be believed, I pretended to be in fear as
well as
they. Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris unexpectedly preserved by
this contrivance
of mine.
68. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had
like to have
been plundered by the Galileans also upon the following occasion: - The
chief
men of the senate wrote to the king, and desired that he would come to
them,
and take possession of their city. The king promised to come, and wrote
a
letter in answer to theirs, and gave it to one of his bed-chamber,
whose name
was Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to carry it to Tiberias. When
the
Galileans knew that this man carried such a letter, they caught him,
and
brought him to me; but as soon as the whole multitude heard of it, they
were
enraged, and betook themselves to their arms. So a great many of them
together
from all quarters the next day, and came to the city Asochis, where I
then
lodged, and made heavy clamours, and called the city of Tiberias a
traitor to
them, and a friend to the king; and desired leave of me to go down and
utterly
destroy it; for they bore the like ill-will to the people of Tiberias,
as they
did to those of Sepphoris.
69. When I heard this, I was in
doubt what
to do, and hesitated by what means I might deliver Tiberias from the
rage of
the Galileans; for I could not deny that those of Tiberias had written
to the
king, and invited him to come to them; for his letters to them, in
answer
thereto, would fully prove the truth of that. So I sat a long time
musing with
myself, and then said to them, "I know well enough that the people of
Tiberias have offended; nor shall I forbid you to plunder the city.
However,
such things ought to be done with discretion; for they of Tiberias have
not
been the only betrayers of our liberty, but many of the most eminent
patriots
of the Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done the same. Tarry
therefore
till I shall thoroughly find out those authors of our danger, and then
you
shall have them all at once under your power, with all such as you
shall
yourselves bring in also." Upon my saying this, I pacified the
multitude,
and they left off their anger, and went their ways; and I gave orders
that he
who brought the king's letters should be put into bonds; but in a few
days I
pretended that I was obliged, by a necessary affair of my own, to out
of the
kingdom. I then called Crispus privately, and ordered him to make the
soldier
that kept him drunk, and to run away to the king. So when Tiberias was
in
danger of being utterly destroyed a second time, it escaped the danger
by my
skilful management, and the care that I had for its preservation.
70. About this time it was that
Justus, the
son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran away to the king; the occasion
of
which I will here relate. Upon the beginning of the war between the
Jews and
Romans, the people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the king, and not
to
revolt from the Romans; while Justus tried to persuade them to betake
themselves to their arms, as being himself desirous of innovations, and
having
hopes of obtaining the government of Galilee, as well as of his own
country
[Tiberias] also. Yet did he not obtain what he hoped for, because the
Galileans
bore ill-will to those of Tiberias, and this on account of their anger
at what
miseries they had suffered from them before the war; thence it was that
they
would not endure that Justus should be their governor. I myself also,
who had
been intrusted by the community of Jerusalem with the government of
Galilee,
did frequently come to that degree of rage at Justus, that I had almost
resolved to kill him, as not able to bear his mischievous disposition.
He was
therefore much afraid of me, lest at length my passion should come to
extremity; so he went to the king, as supposing that he would dwell
better and
more safely with him.
71. Now, when the people of
Sepphoris had,
in so surprising a manner, escaped their first danger, they sent to
Cestius
Gallus, and desired him to come to them immediately, and take
possession of
their city, or else to send forces sufficient to repress all their
enemies'
incursions upon them; and at the last they did prevail with Gallus to
send them
a considerable army, both of horse and foot, which came in the night
time, and
which they admitted into the city. But when the country round about it
was
harassed by the Roman army, I took those soldiers that were about me,
and came
to Garisme, where I cast up a bank, a good way off the city Sepphoris;
and when
I was at twenty furlongs distance, I came upon it by night, and made an
assault
upon its walls with my forces; and when I had ordered a considerable
number of
my soldiers to scale them with ladders, I became master of the greatest
part of
the city. But soon after, our unacquaintedness with the places forced
us to
retire, after we had killed twelve of the Roman footmen, and two
horsemen, and
a few of the people of Sepphoris, with the loss of only a single man of
our
own. And when it afterwards came to a battle in the plain against the
horsemen,
and we had undergone the dangers of it courageously for a long time, we
were
beaten; for upon the Romans encompassing me about, my soldiers were
afraid, and
fell back. There fell in that battle one of those that had been
intrusted to
guard my body; his name was Justus, who at this time had the same post
with the
king. At the same time also there came forces, both horsemen and
footmen, from
the king, and Sylla their commander, who was the captain of his guard:
this
Sylla pitched his camp at five furlongs' distance from Julias, and set
a guard
upon the roads, both that which led to Cana, and that which led to the
fortress
Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabitants from getting provisions
out of
Galilee.
72. As soon as I had gotten
intelligence of
this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a captain over them, whose
name was
Jeremiah, who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, near to the river Jordan, and did no more than
skirmish with
the enemy; till I took three thousand soldiers myself, and came to
them. But on
the next day, when I had laid an ambush in a certain valley, not far
from the
banks, I provoked those that belonged to the king to come to a battle,
and gave
orders to my own soldiers to turn their backs upon them, until they
should have
drawn the enemy away from their camp, and brought them out into the
field,
which was done accordingly; for Sylla, supposing that our party did
really run
away, was ready to pursue them, when our soldiers that lay in ambush
took them
on their backs, and put them all into great disorder. I also
immediately made a
sudden turn with my own forces, and met those of the king's party, and
put them
to flight. And I had performed great things that day, if a certain fate
had not
been my hindrance; for the horse on which I rode, and upon whose back I
fought,
fell into a quagmire, and threw me on the ground, and I was bruised on
my
wrist, and carried into a village named Cepharnome, or Capernaum. When
my
soldiers heard of this, they were afraid I had been worse hurt than I
was; and
so they did not go on with their pursuit any further, but returned in
very
great concern for me. I therefore sent for the physicians, and while I
was
under their hands, I continued feverish that day; and as the physicians
directed, I was that night removed to Taricheae.
73. When Sylla and his party
were informed
what happened to me, they took courage again; and understanding that
the watch
was negligently kept in our camp, they by night placed a body of
horsemen in
ambush beyond Jordan, and when it was day they provoked us to fight;
and as we
did not refuse it, but came into the plain, their horsemen appeared out
of that
ambush in which they had lain, and put our men into disorder, and made
them run
away; so they slew six men of our side. Yet did they not go off with
the
victory at last; for when they heard that some armed men were sailed
from
Taricheae to Juli, they were afraid, and retired.
74. It was not now long before
Vespasian
came to Tyre, and
king Agrippa
with him; but the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully of the king, and
called
him an enemy to the Romans. For they said that Philip, the general of
his army,
had betrayed the royal palace and the Roman forces that were in
Jerusalem, and
that it was done by his command. When Vespasian heard of this report,
he
rebuked the Tyrians for abusing a man who was both a king and a friend
to the
Romans; but he exhorted the king to send Philip to Rome, to answer for what he had
done before Nero. But when Philip was
sent thither, he did not come into the sight of Nero, for he found him
very
near death, on account of the troubles that then happened, and a civil
war; and
so he returned to the king. But when Vespasian was come to Ptolemais,
the chief
men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamour against Justus of Tiberias,
because he
had set their villages on fire: so Vespasian delivered him to the king,
to he
put to death by those under the king's jurisdiction; yet did the king
only put
him into bonds, and concealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I
have before
related. But the people of Sepphoris met Vespasian, and saluted him,
and had
forces sent him, with Placidus their commander: he also went up with
them, as I
also followed them, till Vespasian came into Galilee. As to which coming of his, and after what manner it was
ordered,
and how he fought his first battle with me near the village Taricheae,
and how
from thence they went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive, and
bound, and
how I was afterward loosed, with all that was done by me in the Jewish
war, and
during the siege of Jerusalem, I have accurately related them in the
books
concerning the War of the Jews. However, it will, I think, he fit for
me to add
now an account of those actions of my life which I have not related in
that
book of the Jewish war.
75. For when the siege of
Jotapata was
over, and I was among the Romans, I was kept with much Care, by means
of the
great respect that Vespasian showed me. Moreover, at his command, I
married a
virgin, who was from among the captives of that country [25] yet did
she not live with me long,
but was
divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds, and my going to Alexandria. However, I married
another
wife at Alexandria,
and was
thence sent, together with Titus, to the siege of Jerusalem, and was frequently
in danger of being put to death; while both the
Jews were very desirous to get me under their power, in order to haw me
punished. And the Romans also, whenever they were beaten, supposed that
it was
occasioned by my treachery, and made continual clamours to the
emperors, and
desired that they would bring me to punishment, as a traitor to them:
but Titus
Caesar was well acquainted with the uncertain fortune of war, and
returned no
answer to the soldiers' vehement solicitations against me. Moreover,
when the
city Jerusalem was
taken by
force, Titus Caesar persuaded me frequently to take whatsoever I would
of the
ruins of my country; and did that he gave me leave so to do. But when
my
country was destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any value, which
I could
take and keep as a comfort under my calamities; so I made this request
to
Titus, that my family might have their liberty: I had also the holy
books [26] by Titus's concession. Nor
was it long after
that I asked of him the life of my brother, and of fifty friends with
him, and
was not denied. When I also went once to the temple, by the permission
of
Titus, where there were a great multitude of captive women and
children, I got
all those that I remembered as among my own friends and acquaintances
to be set
free, being in number about one hundred and ninety; and so I delivered
them
without their paying any price of redemption, and restored them to
their former
fortune. And when I was sent by Titus Caesar with Cerealius, and a
thousand
horsemen, to a certain village called Thecoa, in order to know whether
it were
a place fit for a camp, as I came back, I saw many captives crucified,
and
remembered three of them as my former acquaintance. I was very sorry at
this in
my mind, and went with tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them;
so he
immediately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest
care
taken of them, in order to their recovery; yet two of them died under
the
physician's hands, while the third recovered.
76. But when Titus had composed
the
troubles in Judea, and conjectured that the lands which I had in Judea would bring me no profit,
because a
garrison to guard the country was afterward to pitch there, he gave me
another
country in the plain. And when he was going away to Rome, he made choice of me to
sail along with him, and paid me great
respect: and when we were come to Rome, I had great care taken of me by Vespasian; for he gave
me an
apartment in his own house, which he lived in before he came to the
empire. He
also honoured me with the privilege of a Roman citizen, and gave me an
annual
pension; and continued to respect me to the end of his life, without
any
abatement of his kindness to me; which very thing made me envied, and
brought me
into danger; for a certain Jew, whose name was Jonathan, who had raised
a
tumult in Cyrene, and had persuaded two thousand men of that country to
join
with him, was the occasion of their ruin. But when he was bound by the
governor
of that country, and sent to the emperor, he told him that I had sent
him both
weapons and money. However, he could not conceal his being a liar from
Vespasian, who condemned him to die; according to which sentence he was
put to
death. Nay, after that, when those that envied my good fortune did
frequently
bring accusations against me, by God's providence I escaped them all. I
also
received from Vespasian no small quantity of land, as a free gift, in Judea; about which time I
divorced my wife
also, as not pleased with her behaviour, though not till she had been
the
mother of three children, two of whom are dead, and one whom I named
Hyrcanus,
is alive. After this I married a wife who had lived at Crete, but a Jewess by birth: a
woman she was of eminent parents, and
such as were the most illustrious in all the country, and whose
character was
beyond that of most other women, as her future life did demonstrate. By
her I
had two sons; the elder's name was Justus, and the next Simonides, who
was also
named Agrippa. And these were the circumstances of my domestic affairs.
However, the kindness of the emperor to me continued still the same;
for when
Vespasian was dead, Titus, who succeeded him in the government, kept up
the
same respect for me which I had from his father; and when I had
frequent
accusations laid against me, he would not believe them. And Domitian,
who
succeeded, still augmented his respects to me; for he punished those
Jews that
were my accusers, and gave command that a servant of mine, who was a
eunuch,
and my accuser, should be punished. He also made that country I had in Judea tax free, which is a mark
of the
greatest honour to him who hath it; nay, Domitia, the wife of Caesar,
continued
to do me kindnesses. And this is the account of the actions of my whole
life;
and let others judge of my character by them as they please. But to
thee, O
Epaphroditus, [27] thou most excellent
of men!
do I dedicate all this treatise of our Antiquities; and so, for the
present, I
here conclude the whole.
ENDNOTES
[1]
We may hence correct the
error of the Latin copy
of the second book Against Apion, sect. 8, (for the Greek is there
lost,) which
says, there were then only four tribes or courses of the priests,
instead of
twenty-four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus
there
contradicted what he had affirmed here; because even the account there
given
better agrees to twenty-four than to four courses, while he says that
each of
those courses contained above 5000 men, which, multiplied by only four,
will
make not more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000, as
multiplied by
24, seems much the most probable, they being about one-tenth of the
whole
people, even after the captivity. See Ezra 2:36-39; Nehemiah 7:39-42; 1
Esdras
5:24, 25, with Ezra 2;64; Nehemiah 7:66; 1 Esdras 5:41. Nor will this
common
reading or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with Josephus's
own
further assertion elsewhere, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 14. sect. 7, that
David's
partition of the priests into twenty-four courses had continued to that
day.
[2]
An eminent example of the
care of the Jews about
their genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Against Ap. B. 1
sect. 7.
[3]
When Josephus here says,
that from sixteen to
nineteen, or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewish sects,
the
Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and yet says presently, in
all our
copies, that he stayed besides with one particular ascetic, called
Banus, with
him, and this still before he was nineteen, there is little room left
for his
trial of the three other sects. I suppose, therefore, that for, with
him, the
old reading might be, with them; which is a very small emendation, and
takes
away the difficulty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture, hinted
at by Mr.
Hall in his preface to the Doctor's edition of Josephus, at all
improbable,
that this Banus, by this his description, might well be a follower of
John the
Baptist, and that from him Josephus might easily imbibe such notions,
as
afterwards prepared him to have a favourable opinion of Jesus Christ
himself,
who was attested to by John the Baptist.
[4]
We may note here, that
religious men among the
Jews, or at least those that were priests, were sometimes ascetics
also, and,
like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Daniel 1:8-16, ate no flesh,
but
figs and nuts, etc. only. This was like the, or austere diet of the
Christian
ascetics in Passion-week. Constitut. V. 18.
[5]
It has been thought the
number of Paul and his
companions on ship-board, Acts 27:38, which are 276 in our copies, are too many;
whereas we find here, that
Josephus and his companions, a very few years after the other, were
about 600.
[6]
See Jewish War, B. II. ch.
18. sect. 3.
[7]
The Jews might collect this
unlawfulness of
fighting against their brethren from that law of Moses, Leviticus
19:16,
"Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy neighbor;" and that,
ver. 17, "Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the
children
of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself;" as well as
from many other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See Antiq. B.
VIII. ch.
8. sect. 3.
[8]
That this Herod Agrippa, the
father, was of old
called a Great King, as here, appears by his coins still remaining; to
which
Havercamp refers us.
[9]
The famous Jewish numbers of
twelve and seventy
are here remarkable.
[10]
Our Josephus shows, both
here and every where,
that he was a most religious person, and one that had a deep sense of
God and
his providence upon his mind, and ascribed all his numerous and
wonderful
escapes and preservations, in times of danger, to God's blessing him,
and
taking care of him, and this on account of his acts of piety, justice,
humanity, and charity, to the Jews his brethren.
[11]
Josephus's opinion is here
well worth noting: —
That every one is to be permitted to worship God according to his own
conscience, and is not to be compelled in matters of religion: as one
may here
observe, on the contrary, that the rest of the Jews were still for
obliging all
those who married Jewesses to be circumcised, and become Jews, and were
ready
to destroy all that would not submit to do so. See sect. 31, and Luke
11:54.
[12]
How Josephus could say here
that the Jewish laws
forbade them to "spoil even their enemies, while yet, a little before
his
time, our Savior had mentioned it as then a current maxim with them,
"Thou
shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy," Matthew 5:43, is worth
our inquiry. I take it that Josephus, having been now for many years an
Ebionite Christian, had learned this interpretation of the law of Moses
from
Christ, whom he owned for the true Melah, as it follows in the
succeeding
verses, which, though he might not read in St. Matthew's Gospel, yet
might he
have read much the same exposition in their own Ebionite or Nazarene
Gospel
itself; of which improvements made by Josephus, after he was become a
Christian, we have already had several examples in this his life, sect.
3, 13,
15, 19, 21, 23, and shall have many more therein before its conclusion,
as well
as we have them elsewhere in all his later writings.
[13]
Here we may observe the
vulgar Jewish notion of
witchcraft, but that our Josephus was too wise to give any countenance
to it.
[14]
In this section, as well as
in the 18 and 33.
those small vessels that sailed on the sea of Galilee, are called by
Josephus,
i.e. plainly ships; so that we need not wander at our evangelists, who
still
call them ships; nor ought we to render them boats, as some do, Their
number
was in all 230, as we learn from our author elsewhere. Jewish War. B.
II. ch.
21. sect. 8.
[15]
Part of these
fortifications on Mount Tabor may be those still remaining,
and which
were seen lately by Mr. Maundrel. See his Travels, p. 112.
[16]
This Gamaliel may be the
very same that is
mentioned by the rabbins in the Mishna, in Juchasin, and in Porta
Mosis, as is
observed in the Latin notes. He might be also that Gamaliel II., whose
grandfather was Gamaliel I., who is mentioned in Acts 5:34, and at
whose feet
St. Paul was brought up, Acts 22:3. See Prid. at the year 449.
[17]
This Jonathan is also taken
notice of in the
Latin notes, as the same that is mentioned by the rabbins in Porta
Mosis.
[18]
This I take to be the first
of Josephus's
remarkable or divine dreams, which were predictive of the great things
that
afterwards came to pass; of which see more in the note on Antiq. B.
III. ch. 8.
sect. 9. The other is in the War, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 3, 9.
[19]
Josephus's directions to
his soldiers here are
much the same that John the Baptist gave, Luke 3:14, "Do violence to no
man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages."
Whence
Dr. Hudson confirms this conjecture, that Josephus, in some things,
was, even
now, a follower of John the Baptist, which is no way improbable. See
the note
on sect. 2.
[20]
We here learn the practice
of the Jews, in the
days of Josephus, to inquire into the characters of witnesses before
they were
admitted; and that their number ought to be three, or two at the least,
also
exactly as in the law of Moses, and in the Apostolical Constitutions,
B. II.
ch. 37. See Horeb Covenant Revived, page 97, 98.
[21]
This appeal to the whole
body of the Galileans by
Josephus, and the testimony they gave him of integrity in his conduct
as their
governor, is very like that appeal and testimony in the case of the
prophet
Samuel, 1 Samuel 12:1-5, and perhaps was done by Josephus in imitation
of him.
[22]
It is worth noting here,
that there was now a
great Proseucha, or place of prayer, in the city of Tiberias itself,
though
such Proseucha used to be out of cities, as the synagogues were within
them. Of
them, see Le Moyne on Polycarp's Epistle, page 76. It is also worth our
remark,
that the Jews, in the days of Josephus, used to dine at the sixth hour,
or
noon; and that in obedience to their notions of the law of Moses also.
[23]
One may observe here, that
this lay Pharisee,
Ananias, is we have seen he was, sect. 39, took upon him to appoint a
fast at
Tiberias, and was obeyed; though indeed it was not out of religion, but
knavish
policy.
[24]
The character of this
history of Justus of
Tiberias, the rival of our Josephus, which is now lost, with its only
remaining
fragment, are given us by a very able critic, Photius, who read that
history.
It is in the 33rd code of his Bibliotheca, and runs thus: "I have read
(says
Photius) the chronology of Justus of Tiberias, whose title is this,
[The
Chronology of] the Kings of Judah which succeeded one another. This
[Justus]
came out of the city of Tiberias
in Galilee.
He begins his history from Moses, and ends it not till the death of
Agrippa,
the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod, and the last king of the
Jews; who
took the government under Claudius, had it augmented under Nero, and
still more
augmented by Vespasian. He died in the third year of Trajan, where also
his
history ends. He is very concise in his language, and slightly passes
over
those affairs that were most necessary to be insisted on; and being
under the
Jewish prejudices, as indeed he was himself also a Jew by birth, he
makes not
the least mention of the appearance of Christ, or what things happened
to him,
or of the wonderful works that he did. He was the son of a certain Jew,
whose
name was Pistus. He was a man, as he is described by Josephus, of a
most
profligate character; a slave both to money and to pleasures. In public
affairs
he was opposite to Josephus; and it is related, that he laid many plots
against
him; but that Josephus, though he had his enemy frequently under his
power, did
only reproach him in words, and so let him go without further
punishment. He
says also, that the history which this man wrote is, for the main,
fabulous,
and chiefly as to those parts where he describes the Roman war with the
Jews,
and the taking of Jerusalem."
[25]
Here Josephus, a priest,
honestly confesses that
he did that at the command of Vespasian, which he had before told us
was not
lawful for a priest to do by the law of Moses, Antiq. B. III. ch. 12.
sect. 2.
I mean, the taking a captive woman to wife. See also Against Apion, B.
I. sect.
7. But he seems to have been quickly sensible that his compliance with
the
commands of an emperor would not excuse him, for he soon put her away,
as
Reland justly observes here.
[26]
Of this most remarkable
clause, and its most
important consequences, see Essay on the Old Testament, page 193--195.
[27]
Of this Epaphroditus, see
the note on the Preface
to the Antiquities.
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